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| Sunday, 5 December 2004 |
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Editorial |  |
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Please forward your comments to the
Editor, Sunday Observer. E-mail: [email protected] Snail mail : Sunday Observer, 35, D.R.Wijewardana Mawatha, Colombo, Sri Lanka. Telephone : 94 11 2429239 / 2331181 Fax : 94 11 2429230 Deciphering Prabhakaran's message Much has been written and much more will be written about Prabhakaran's LTTE Heroes' Day speech. Our attempt here is not to duplicate or counter what has been written. We would like, on the other hand, to decipher the message he tries to convey through his speech. In doing so we would also try to make a dispassionate analysis without being swayed away by emotion. Prabhakaran is not just a political adversary. He is an 'enemy', who fought a ruthless war against the State for nearly two decades. He also commands a de facto state apparatus of his own in certain parts of the North East of Sri Lanka. There is certainly no love lost between him and the State. He gives three distinct messages: one to the Tamil people in the North East, one to the Sri Lankan Government and another to the international community. The message he gives to the Tamil people is that he could deliver the goods. He tries hard to show that only the ISGA could address the immediate humanitarian and infrastructure needs of the people in the North East. For example, it is to sell his ISGA package that he says "some international governments welcomed our proposal..." His message to the government is to resume peace negotiations without conditions based on the ISGA proposal. He also says" "If the Government of Sri Lanka rejects our urgent appeal and adopts delaying tactics, perpetuating the suffering of our people, we have no alternative other than to advance the freedom struggle of our nation." This is nothing new. Last year too he delivered a similar message to the government. It said: "... if the Sinhala chauvinistic ruling elites continue to deny the rights of our people and oppose reconciliation and if the conditions of oppression continue, we have no alternative other than to secede and form an independent state invoking the right to self determination of our people". The differences in wording, though subtle have to be noted. There is no reference to secession or war. The message cannot be taken as an ultimatum for resuming the Eelam War. For example, in 1995 they did not mince their words and declared their intention to withdraw from the Cessation of Hostilities. This year's message is born more out of the inability of the LTTE to contain their cadres used to wielding arms in a prolonged 'No War No Peace' situation and the fear that leadership would slip from their hands if something is not done urgently. Hence, the reference to 'advancing the freedom struggle'. Actually events of the preceding months showed that the LTTE is resorting to mass actions to pressurize the government to resume negotiations based on the ISGA. The message it gives to the international community is that they have been behaving well and it is only the Government of Sri Lanka that has been intransigent. It is to reinforce this view that Prabhakaran has called upon "concerned international governments to understand our predicament and prevail upon the Sri Lanka government to resume peace talks". The strategy used by Prabhakaran to blame the government is to show internal dissensions within the government as well as the lack of a Southern consensus on the National Question as a major cause for the delay in resumption of negotiations. He has, of course forgotten that the Government could use the same argument against the LTTE stating that it is the dissensions within the LTTE, particularly the breaking away of Karuna that has caused the LTTE to come up with various pre-conditions for talks. Thus, we are no more close to war or peace today than before the LTTE Heroes' Day. There is no cause for alarm or panic. As we have reiterated several times the ceasefire would be fragile if talks get delayed indefinitely. To end the war, it is necessary to talk with the 'enemy'. Since the 'enemy' has put forward a set of proposals it is necessary to discuss them. As Prabhakaran has said in his speech problematic elements of the proposals could be discussed at the negotiating table. This means government's proposals too could be discussed. After all, talks mean compromises. If not, they would be futile. The urgent necessity is to break the deadlock and not stand on prestige or rest on laurels. There is one more danger. That is the escalation of communal tension due to the actions of extreme and opportunist elements on both sides of the divide, especially in the East. It is pathetic that the major Opposition party- the UNP has given priority to political expediencies and refused to cooperate in the search for a breakthrough in the peace process. The JVP should also consider whether they actually weaken or strengthen the LTTE by their emotive actions. Judging by recent developments, obviously they please both the UNP and the LTTE. |
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