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| Sunday, 24 April 2005 |
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Features |  |
| News Business Features Editorial
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Media watch We decide, We are glad to report : Some thoughts on media 'neutrality' by Malinda Seneviratne I thought they were called "billboards". Now I find they are called "hoardings". Yes, I am referring to those giant signs that scream at us from strategic locations in the city, extolling the virtues of the particular brand, begging us to purchase. I don't have much by way of purchasing capacity, so I am not exactly anyone's favourite consumer. There are, however, things I can consume without having to renege on my housing loan instalment. Like news. And "news". This is why I have become an avid reader of political posters while being mostly blind to hoardings featuring more tangible products like office equipment, wristwatches, insurance, jewellery and the like. And this is why I find myself unable to stomach what MTV has been dishing out lately in their advertising campaigns. "We report. you decide." is what they splash around and want us to believe. "We report, you decide" is also the pay-off line of CNN, that notoriously pro-Bush, pro-war station of misinformation. This theft and the choice of victim says a lot about the thief but let's ignore all that. What I find it amazing that those who sanction their hoardings fail to realize the glaring contradiction between what is promised and what is actually articulated. Let's first deal with the main claim, "we report. you decide". Just one question: "Where in the world is there value-free reporting?" We have heard ad nauseam the dictum, "Facts are sacred, comment free". The problem is that there is a vast difference between fact and the representation of fact. Indeed, one does not have to have seen Akira Kurosava's celebrated film "Rashoman" to understand that no two people receive an event or statement the same way. What we see is impacted by who we are, what kinds of eyes we have and what our mechanisms of distilling and sorting out information are. Representation is the second stage of error-making, if you will. Forget commentary, reporting always contains slant and in the really bad case, as exemplified by MTV, even sleight of hand. It is never the picture that appears but a picture, and one that is touched up as per the ideological dictates of the media institution, news editor, reporter or all three. For example, the choice of lead story, choice of headline, choice of front page picture, choice of caption for this picture, the content, the quote(s) selected and placement, all contribute to defining a political stance. This is why "we are independent" is a bare-faced lie. All media institutions report what they want, the way they want it and as they think best suits their purposes. That goes without saying and everyone knows it. So when you go to the extent of pretending neutrality as "we report. you decide." knowing very well that this neutrality is all hogwash, you are insulting everyone. When you advertise the fact and in the same advertisement take a patently slanted political position, you insult yourself. Since MTV wants to be in-your-face about their political predilection, I believe their bosses wouldn't mind a bit of in-your-face in return. And talking of "faces", one just cannot forget that of one Ranasinghe Premadasa, although not for the reasons promoted by MTV. The story was of the man (had he been alive) and tsunami-related rehabilitation. "Oh! People's President over 90 days after tsunami, your absence is felt" The line was probably meant to arrest attention. I am sure MTV knows that the people of this country know about the close nexus between Premadasa and the whole notion of arrest. Well, proxy arrests, abductions, extra-judicial killings, torture, burning/burying alive as well. The subtext is obvious: "if he were here" and that did not escape me. The first thought that crossed my mind was "I wouldn't (be here)". In fact King Barnet, in the Irida Divaina a couple of weeks ago put it much better. The columnist argued that had Premadasa been alive, not so many people would have died in the tsunami (because half of them would have been murdered long before December 26, 2004). Relief and rehabilitation, consequently, would have been that much easier. Premadasa was not "people's president", he was some people's president and other people's assassin. A tireless worker, reportedly, with a reputation for "getting things done", he was also an expert in being in charge and finally responsible for getting people done away with. Is MTV holding a brief for the bheeshanaya, I wonder. Does MTV want to return to that time of terror? Sure, the JVP goons of that time were by no means saints, but the State, with its superior fire power and apparatus of coercion, was by far the most feared and most indiscriminate terrorist that roamed our villages and our streets and byways. MTV, going by its watchword, should report, not offer opinion, but this is exactly what it has been doing over the past year. The hoardings have been markedly anti-government. There's nothing wrong in criticising governments, but selective criticism smacks of political fraud. Yes, there have been the odd snide comment on the UNP leadership, but even this has been carefully crafted to rouse the elephant from what is perceived to be deep slumber. In line with this manifest pro-UNP position, MTV has been aggressively harping on the rift between the PA and the JVP, going to unbelievable lengths of crass "reporting" in their hoardings. Admittedly those in power attract more nosey reporters than those out of power, perhaps because there is an inherent taste among human beings for the kunu rasaya, especially that emanating from self-righteous politicians. We didn't see the same kind of drive in the MTV during the UNP regime. Indeed, such hoardings were celebratory of the UNP regime, its key leaders and, in my opinion, co-conspirators in the treachery of conceding our sovereignty and compromising our territorial integrity. And isn't it also true that even while in opposition, there have been enough instances where the UNP leadership engaged in caricature-worthy tumbles, such as when Ranil Wickremesinghe publicly urged people to attack government officials who might come to survey lands with respect to the 100m zone? Surely they could have come up with something creative about Bogollagama's pole vaulting? And the various under-hand deals with the LTTE and Solheim? Perhaps it is a reflection of the class of people that run MTV, but using caricature to promote a news station (and pretty putrid cartooning at that) does turn my gut. And mind you, I am not even a fan of this government! The media is supposed to be watchdogs of democracy and not mad dogs assuming the role of king-maker, except that it is not altogether an unsuitable role for a station stamped with the name Maharaja. I mean, "king-maker" and not "mad dog". Yes, I am writing this to the Sunday Observer, the pro-government Sunday paper, with a political agenda of its own. The difference is everyone knows where the Sunday Observer stands and neither does the Sunday Observer engage in shy-making to prove otherwise. MTV, on the other hand, claims neutrality and therefore engages in a double-lie. Despicable, I think. So what do we do? Continue to watch MTV? I wouldn't. But if you want to continue to watch "News First" tell yourself that this business "we report. you decide" is all nonsense. And remind yourself to read (well, listen) between the lines. You are likely to learn a lot. Not about what really happened of course, but what MTV (proxy station for the UNP) wants you to believe happened. And what it would like to happen. In fact, one can apply the same principle for all media organisations, State and "private", and not just media institutions controlled and/or operated by the Maharaja Organisation. In other words, "Be the media". The least we can do is to recover our ears, eyes and tongue. Let us wish ourselves good luck! *********** ‘A gagged and bound Nepal Press’ by Rohan L. Jayatilleke The evening was chilly. The skies overcast. No motor vehicle on the highway leading to Kathmandu, the capital of Nepal from the India - Nepal border city of Bhirawa. Only a few cyclists peddling away. The highway deserted, though it was evening. This writer just strolled into a tea - kiosk run by a woman, to which he goes for a hot cup of ‘chai’ (tea with milk). On his frequent visits to Nepal, at the long ends of his touring in India on research and study of Indian culture. Just a namaste, to my questions in Hindi, about the political climate of Nepal. She has lost her power of speech. She is deaf and dumb. The reasons are not far to pick up. Two Nepalese soldiers troop in inquisitively. I start repeating paani, she picks up the clue and tells the soldiers, ‘He is asking whether it will rain tonight and tomorrow morning.’ On the highway I meet two young students. They too, though knowledgeable in English, do not respond to my questions about the political situation. They just tell me Kathmandu is 250 kms away and no transport is available and then make a hurried getaway, as soldiers drive on a tanker. That is Nepal. Today the press is gagged, politicians either in jail or house arrest, including human rights activists, reporters and journalists. Around 1500 journalists have lost their jobs. Phone lines, TV channels and other communication facilities are cut off. In this scenario, Nepal and her people are under siege by the King and the Maoists in the periphery of the country. The irony of the Himalayan Kingdom’s Democratic Day, the 55th was held on Friday, February 18, 2005, the King on his part continuing to repeat the mantra of freedom and multi-party democracy. The Nepali Congress, Jan Mocha and the National Communist Party (United Marxist Leninist) could not gather forces to resist the King. Former Nepalese Congress lawmaker Hari Bhakta Adhikari and the party’s Mahila Sangha Chief Meena Pandey were among those picked up by the police. Though the National Congress called for a nation-wide protest movement, with a deep disorganisation in the ranks and absence of much public support it was still born. The King in his mantra emphasised the need to conduct impartial elections in an environment of peace and security. He said that it was the duty of the people of all ranks with faith in democracy, including individual and political parties, along with the members of the intelligentsia and civil society, to ensure a vibrant multi-party democracy and conduct of impartial elections. However , no date of elections of or engaging of the press were given, censorship sometimes is clothed in a dark tingle of humour, aghast at the government’s editing and helpless himself, the editor of an evening paper in a lead story on how the Kanchenjunga (mountain) was rapidly gaining height day and night as seen by the naked eye. Many newspapers carry blank editorial pages. One such is the most respected ‘Deshantar’. On a day when senior politicians in hordes are arrested and many scores killed in Maoist-Army battles, lead stories in many of the leading dailies deal with traffic congestion in Kathmandu roads. Many smaller newspapers have put down their shutters, with over 1,000 reporters with their livelihood lost. The radio news is worse than bad. Does it mean the emergency imposed in Nepal ensures the clearance of garbage in the streets. Does it denote the total clamp down on the independent media contributes to the absence of queues at petrol pumps? Is wide spread detention of journalists, political leaders and human right activists via media to ensure the citizens of Nepal have adequate food, water, electricity, health and education? It may be the trend of thought of the members of the royal family and upper strata of Kathmandu Valley residents. The fledgling democracy of barely a decade and half old is in danger of being grounded before it could learn to fly. Nepal’s thriving independent media rather than being allowed to reach fruition of total professionalism is now castrated and dehydrated. Since the royal coup of 1st February, when King Gynendra dismissed the Government of Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and assumed dictatorial executive power, he and his alcohol fired army have thrilled the media by directly enforcing total censorship, fostering a fear psychosis in the minds of the average man. Six journalists are under detention, media organisations have been forced to close down, and almost 1000 journalists thrown out of employment. The most salient feature in this scenario is that the public has been deprived of the inalienable right to know. TV stations too have been laid to rest. Editors and senior journalists of the country’s largest circulating dailies were summoned and told in no uncertain terms that if they did not follow the official decrees, “no one could guarantee their safety.” The government - owned publication, ‘Gorkhapatra’ on February 3, carried a notice that considering the nation and national interest, His Majesty’s Government had banned for six months all interviews, articles, news, notices, views of personal opinion that goes against the latter and spirit of the Royal Proclamation on Feb 1, 2005 and that directly supports destruction and terrorism. The dissidents were then summarily dealt with. President of the Federation of Nepalese Journalists (FNI) the umbrella organisation of journalists in the country, came out on February 2, with a strong statement against the coup and has been hounded by the security forces ever since Bishnu Nisthuri, Secretary General of the FNI who was picked up two days later, taken to an army camp and blindfolded for almost a day. Despite a habeas corpus petition filed in the Supreme Court, he was held under detention for two weeks and finally released on February 25. On February 7, the local governmental administration of mid-western town of Nepalgunj (gunj means town) issued a set of rigorous orders against publishers of local newspapers. Newspapers were prohibited from publishing news, that could have a negative impact upon the country’s sovereignty, territorial integrity and the law and order. Nothing that may “undermine in any way the institution of monarchy and the Royal proclamation of Feb 1” could be published. News relating to strikes (in Nepalese language bandhs) called by Maoists and the loss of life and property caused by the Maoists against the security forces and government agencies was prohibited, while reporting civilian loss due to Maoists actions was permitted. In this clampdown on exposing official corruption, army excesses, reporting on irregularities were permitted to be published after careful examination and could not demoralise the administrative set up. The crude censorship gave way to “self-censorship”, and gun-toting army censors were substituted with fresh faced military intelligence ‘boys’ in civil dress, who never knew what journalism is and was. Nepali media launched a satirical resistance. For instance, The ‘Kathmandu Post’, Nepal’s largest circulating English language daily, ran an absurd editorial titled, “Socks in society”-on how socks without holes are a prestige symbol in a poor country like Nepal. The weekly Nepali Times ran an editorial critical of the rise in falling trees-trees being the symbol of not only democracy, but the Nepali Congress Party as well, whose leaders had been arrested. The ‘Nepali Times’ and ‘Himal Khabarpatrika’, ran blank spaces where the censors had used their red pens encouraging the readers to read through the lines. These gaping holes, unconnected with sentences served the purpose, that they were meant for. Another tactic was a pointed silence, as if to declare, “Alright, you need to silence us, we will be quiet like sheep”. Weeklies like ‘Deshantar’, ‘Bimrash’ and ‘Sanghu’ continue to leave large spaces where usually editorials were carried. This led to the Chief District officer of Kathmandu to summon five editors and interrogate them for over three hours. They were let loose only on signing a statement undertaking to report to the authorities whenever summoned. Some publications’ choice being the better part of valour in this environment of loss of freedom and expression demonstrated their resistance visually. ‘Nepali Times’ being ordered not to publish a certain ‘provocative’ column, could not leave the space printless, carried a picture of a howling, grimacing infant born on February 1, with the ironic headline ‘10 days old’. Another form of resistance was by the editor of a Nepali weekly, who simply deleted his name where it should have carried the name of the Editor and publisher, deleting his name and that of the publisher, he said to this writer, if the security personnel who censor my copy would reveal their names I’d carry them as the ‘true editors’. The Radio ‘Sagarmstha’, one of Nepal’s most popular independent radio stations, and all FM radio stations have been prohibited from broadcasting news, rendering 800 radio journalists to kick the dust with their feet. There are 56 registered FM stations in Nepal, with 47 in actual operation. They have an extensive outreach and their listeners have no other form of news, with them being closed down. The non-literate population of Nepal is very extensive and the radio is the only news feeder. By disconnecting FM news, the King has denied the citizenry the vital source of independent news. The BBC Nepali news service is now the only source of news and since it is transmitted on FM and since FM is banned, many Nepali’s hungry for news queue up at shops to purchase short wave radios. Though the royal coup is ostensibly trying to curb the Maoist activities and decimating them, the casual observer like this writer, shivering in his boots, fearing his identity by the alcoholic army personnel, observes the preoccupation of the King is controlling the media, arresting protesters, tailing journalists and witch-hunting human rights activists and harnessing tongue-tied Nepalese lamenting the state of society, rather than dealing effectively the Maoist activities. Though transportation of essential goods is conducted under army guard, passenger vehicles and trucks loaded with goods are stranded in the highways by the obstructions placed by the Maoists. Prices of vegetables and food are sky rocketing and the supply of goods to the cities from the Terai area has been completely disrupted. Telecommunication lines with some outside districts are disconnected at random. Some journalists express the opinion that “new journalists can talk about real issues like poverty and underdevelopment than be preoccupied with the shenanigans of political parties, laying them all at the feet of the Maoists”. But the consensus among the journalists whom this writer met at the Nepal-Indian border Nepal City of Bahirawa is, there is no need for press censorship on news to encourage development and fight the Maoists and get the journalists reporting about social issues, the environment, gender and development. (The writer is a member of the Bharathiya Kala Kendra of India and this is based on his observations in Nepal since February 1, 2005). ************** Media racism by K. S. Sivakumaran I have a feeling that part of our political and social problems is the way the media, particularly a few sections of the Sinhala and English and also the Tamil press play in aggravating issues in the name of patriotism, extreme nationalism. As we all know, the distrust, communities have over the other is due to the understandable fear and a negative attitude that we all would be annihilated by some ethnic group or the other. Some sections of the community have an indelible impression that the minority communities in this country are really descendants of invaders and that the Sinhalas are pure Aryans and naturally are native Sinhala Buddhists. And therefore, it is the duty to save Buddhism and the lion race from the alien ‘pariahs’. This attitude had been ingrained in their minds by the Sinhala media drawing inspiration from distorted history. What such diehards want is to Sinhalsize everybody and make our country a ‘Sinhala Buddhist Rata’. To achieve this ‘patriotic goals’, some journalists in the Sinhala press (perhaps their real ethnic origins might be subject to suspect) and a few in their English sister papers toe the line of a few extremist political parties and propagate the idea of a single Jathi, namely Sinhala, and brand others as late descendants into this country and therefore they have got to be assimilated into the Sinhala nation. Please remember that it is only a minority group (politicians, media
people and ‘intellectuals’) that is bent on this while the vast majority
wants harmonious relationship. However, the misguided journalists in Sinhala
and English write as if the whole nation is behind them when they articulate
fanciful and imaginative reporting. |
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