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| Sunday, 29 May 2005 |
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Features |  |
| News Business Features Editorial
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Re-enactment of historic scenarios From Bandaranaike Chelvanayagam pact to Post-tsunami Operational Management Structure - PtOMS Continued from last week by Janadasa Peiris The extremist groups took umbrage against the Provincial Councils Programme in 1987 as much as they did so in 1957 and 1966. The present President who was then in the People's Party and the leftist parties of the old brigade ignored for the time being the dictatorial and repressive nature of the J.R.Jayewardene programme and directly supported the Provincial Councils Programme considering that it would provide some sort of a solution to the ethnic problem. But this agreement could not be properly implemented due to the strong anti-Indian strategy followed by R.Premadasa first as the Prime Minister and subsequently as the President as well as the leg pulling policy of National Security Minister Lalith Athulathmudali. The result was the prolongation of war that devastated human life and property on a large scale. This too was a re-enactment of the historical scenarios of 58, 66 and 83 in a fresh guise. The present President, who took over the reins of Government in 1994 when the people were battered and exhausted by war initiated peace negotiations with the LTTE within 8 days of her assumption of office. The late Gamini Dissanayake who was the UNP candidate at the 1994 Presidential Election had proposed a broad devolution of power in line with a Federal system. In spite of this proposal, the UNP after Gamini Dissanayake's demise carried out a massive communalist propaganda against Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga. They left no stone unturned to weaken Chandrika's candidature and clamoured that every vote for the chair was a vote for the tiger. On this point, I am reminded of the islandwide UNP poster campaign against the late Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike during the July 1960 General Elections charging her of alliance with Marxists to divide the country. Thus, it is evident that the events of 1994 are a re-enactment of the 1960 scenario. On this occasion the UNP only paid lip service by way of cooperating with the peace process without co-operating positively. there's no doubt the UNP in their heart of hearts rejoiced over the resumption of hostility on that occasion. President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga's multiple endeavour since 1995 August, to solve the problems of the Tamil people were never supported by the UNP. The set of proposals for devolution of power in 1996 was protracted during the Parliamentary Select Committee stage because of the disruptive principle adopted by the UNP. The UNP refused to respond to the President's request for the vote of at least 16 UNP members to adopt a new Constitution. Instead, the UNP leaders obstructed the President's proposals and attended the meetings of the "Maubima Surekeeme Sanvidhanaya". Giving a new dimension to the UNP role of 1958, they made it out that the 'package' will divide the country not into two but into eight pieces. The President, after commencing her new term of office as President for the second time in December 1999, negotiated with the UNP throughout 4 months and came to a near final agreement, but at the end they stopped to co-operate. The UNP's modern strategy came to be crystal clear during this period. It was in order to accommodate the UNP proposals that the devolution provisions embodied in the 1997 draft bill had to be mitigated. The President, with utmost reluctance agreed to accommodate the UNP demands solely for the purpose of obtaining their consensus. The UNP on that occasion, so cunningly dissolved the devolution package on one hand and so intriguely endeavoured to embed in the minds of the Tamil parties the impression that "Now there is no point in agreeing to these proposals". When the President presented the new Draft Constitution in Parliament on August 03, 2000, it is recent history on record how the UNP Parliamentarians set the Draft Constitution ablaze in Parliament. That was the latest re-enactment of the historical scene of the Walk to Kandy staged in the year 1958. Ever since, the UNP is charged with building up a secret relationship with the LTTE and engaged in an exercise of preventing the LTTE from coming in to an agreement with the People's Alliance Government. Towards the end of 2000, a situation emerged to sign a second ceasefire agreement with the LTTE through the Norwegian Envoys, but the UNP prevented it when on the verge of signing, by promising the LTTE a better deal with more powers, in the event of the UNP gaining power. It may be due to this invisible co-operation the LTTE had with the UNP that the LTTE escalated their attacks in Vanni making the Army to abandon their Camps and to retreat from the Elephant-pass Camp. It was during this period that there were reports to the effect that certain UNP elements were eagerly awaiting the capture of Jaffna by the LTTE cadres. It was against this same back drop that there came to be a huge media furore of an Elephant-Tiger Pact, on the eve of the December 2001 General Election. From there onwards, the UNP which was till then racist prone became the obedient servant of the LTTE. Following the General Election of 2001, the victorious UNP signed a Ceasefire Agreement in February 2002, which, in spite of whatever the shortcomings, was an important step towards peace. Though the Agreement contained many sections which were detrimental to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of our country, the President did not obstruct it. In her perreniel endeavour to make this Agreement more accurate, she addressed a letter to Ranil Wickremesinghe on February 27, 2002 thus: My commitment to peace remains firm and constant. I wholly approve of the concept of a mutually agreed ceasefire. On our side, as far as the Government of Sri Lanka is concerned, you and I must, in close consultation and co-operation with each other, make this ceasefire work. We must be ever vigilant against the consequences of failure: but we must strive to make it work. Equally, when the time comes - and it must come soon - to address the difficult core issues on the resolution of which a just and lasting peace will depend, we must work together in order to carry the mass of our people with us. I hope that you and your Party will make an honest and sincere effort to assist me in my endeavours to make consensual government work effectively. The unabated course of action followed by President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga towards the peace process from its very inception to date, in contrast with certain political forces which work to achieve petty political ends is evident in this history. It becomes more conspicuous when we compare the UNP opposition reciprocation to the President's peace endeavour since the present Government came into power in April 2004. At the time the United People's Liberation Front came to power, one year had elapsed since the break down of the peace negotiations between the Government and the LTTE organisation. The LTTE broke away from peace talks in April 2003 stating that it will not resume the negotiating table until their demand for the Interim Self-Governing Authority is fulfilled. Nevertheless the Freedom Alliance continued its unremitting endeavour to bring back the LTTE to the negotiating table. In September, last year the President convened a Peace Advisory Council and announced that she was prepared to find a solution based on the Tokyo and Oslo statements. By that the President intended a federal system of constitution as a solution. Even though the President's stance had become so flexible by then, the United National Party did not respond positively. Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe even refused to attend the Advisory Council meetings. Following the tsunami catastrophe, the peace journey completely changed. The sincerety or dishonesty of the LTTE apart, there was an apparent willingness on their part to co-operate with the Government. They expressed willingness to establish a joint operational structure to deal with the North East rehabilitation. This willingness on the part of the LTTE to work in harmony in recognition of the authority of the Government of Sri Lanka was a big victory for the Government in view of the LTTE's former demand for nothing lesser than an Interim Self-Governing Authority. PtOMS is an administrative unit relevant to a two-kilometre wide small strip of the coastal belt coming under 6 districts in the North and East. |
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