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Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse was interviewed by ANCL Chairman Janadasa Peiris last week. The Prime Minister deals with his opponents and predicts his victory outlining the general policy of his governance with confidence.

Q. How did your election campaign go?

A. Our election campaign is extremely successful. Supporters of our Alliance are making door to door propaganda work in large numbers to enlighten the rural masses on our Election Manifesto "Mahinda Chintana".

It has a good response. In spite of security warnings I am engaged in addressing a large number of mass rallies attended by thousands and thousands of people in a number of areas throughout the country.

In addition, various people representing many walks of life including professionals, intellectuals, entrepreneurs, young men and women, Government servants, teachers, medical practitioners, lawyers and members of religious clergy of all denominations called on me personally to pledge their support to me.

At the same time they conduct independent meetings and seminars to support my cause. This feature is absent in respect of other candidates. The meetings by artistes is a good example.

Q. In spite of this situation, your main rival Ranil Wickremesinghe seems to have beaten you in the field of propaganda advertisements. Is that not so?

A. Yes. That is so. United National Party is spending not in millions but in billions. On electronic media alone they spend Rs.11.4 million a day. Since nomination, they have by now spent Rs.488 million. That way they are ahead of me. But money does not bring votes. Today the UNP cannot go before the masses. They have no activists at ground level. Under the circumstances they believe in advertisements to win the election. That is a massive myth.

Our propaganda campaign is based on human labour. Therefore, it has a human spirit. On the other hand some of the UNP advertisements are immoral and criminal. Some are vituperative. Such propaganda cannot change public opinion. They only invite public hatred towards them.

That was what happened to the milk powder advertisement. On the other hand it is worthwhile to wonder as to the source of the large scale financing of this UNP advertisement campaign. The source is the black market mafia, the inseparable friend of the UNP.

We have experienced the outcome of two elections that preceded the oncoming Presidential Election. The ill-famed tax exemption conferred on the black market mafia in reciprocation of financial support to bring into power the UNP regime of Ranil is an example. Nevertheless, history has proved time and again that money cannot win Elections in this country. The UPFA will not resort to this deceit.

In contrast, our strategy is to approach the voter at his door-step and explain our policy in conformity with the proper democratic culture. That process is well and truly in progress right now.

Q. What is your impression about your main rival Ranil Wickremesinghe as far as the forthcoming Presidential Election is concerned?

A: I have known him for quite some time. We have been Parliamentarians together. I entered Parliament in 1970 while he came in 1977. Both of us are lawyers. In personal life he is not my opponent. But when we take to politics, the two of us look at the world from quite distinct different angles. He represents extremely rightist neo-liberal capitalism. I am a social democrat.

He has not presented a new program at this Presidential Election. It is the stereotype neo-liberal program since 1999, supplemented by a few welfare election promises. He has not presented any new ideas relating to achieving peace, economic development and provision of employment which are the main challenges before the country.

On the other hand these are ideas rejected by the people at the General Election of 2004. A country is not a company. A country cannot be ruled by the mentality of a business enterprise. At the same time, the public policy of a country must be formulated by negotiation with people at the grassroots.

The UNP leader does not think about this aspect due to his rightist obsessions. He relies not on national but on alien forces. We have explained this position to the country at large. Consequently, most of the UNP supporters who love the country are presently joining us. During the last month alone, thousands of UNP activists joined us.

Ranil Wickremesinghe is better advised to think about what is happening to his party and its resource base at the moment.

Q. How does your program differ from the program of your opponent?

A. By now, we have distributed our manifesto at village level. Building up a new country is our theme. That is a program to build up the country while protecting it. It is a program to claim victory for Sri Lanka.

It is not a program that came from the blues. This program that represents the ambitions of all sections of our population views miscellaneous problems and crises from a human angle to meet social justice. At the same time it targets our future progress. It is a program based on human needs which the masses consider important. In this program we have presented new approaches to overcome the main crises in the country.

Q. UNP forewarns that your victory will result in the resumption of a war?

A. That is a hackneyed allegation. The UNP came out with the same story at the last General Election too. The public cannot be deceived. It is a futile effort on the part of the UNP. War is not my method. It was the UNP that kindled the flames of war. It was not ourselves but the UNP that laid the ground for war. Right through my political career I have never been an advocate of war or a racist or a religious fanatic. We are ready to embark on a new approach to peace.

Q. What is the new approach you have in mind?

A: We propose a multi-partisan approach in place of the approach so far adopted. The UNP held the view that the sovereign authority to represent the opinion of the South rested with the Government in power.

Similarly the LTTE organization upheld the view that their organization is the sole representative of the Tamil speaking people. The UNP peace process was built on thisfalse premise. Our new approach proposes to bring all parties who are stake holders to the negotiating process to represent the wishes of respective ethnic groups.

Q. Do you propose to abolish the Ceasefire Agreement.

A: No. I propose to revise it. That is the demand of all parties concerned. The Ceasefire Agreement needs revision to ensure the security of children and the proper conduct of peace negotiations.

Q. In that case, will there be no talks with the LTTE?

A: We will discuss with the LTTE. They are a principal party to the conflict .But the peace process should not be subjected to the diktat of the LTTE . Within a short span of time we hope to arrive at a national consensus among the parties of the South to achieve a durable peace with dignity.

Parallel to such talks in the South we hope to have direct talks with the LTTE. In my view we should set out definite time frames for these negotiations. Whatever the solution we arrive at, I hope to present it for public ratification in the form of Constitutional Reforms.

Q. How do you propose to involve the Muslims of the East in the Peace Process?

A: I will not allow one community to subjugate another community. That is not my principle. In the past, the Muslim people had to be at the mercy of the LTTE. Consequently, the Muslim people lost confidence in the UNP peace process. I assure the Muslims that I will recognize them as a necessary stakeholder in the peace process and honour their identity and listen to their voice as well.

Q. Why do you intend to suspend the implementation of the Tsunami Relief Council?

A: Certain features in the Tsunami Relief Council as it stands today are under injunction by Court Order.

At the same time, the Tsunami Relief Council has problems involving people's representation. Specially with regard to the Muslim community. Under the circumstances, I have in mind a structure altogether new, which is capable of serving the public swiftly and free from legal or social problems.

If the existing mechanism is a bottleneck, what is wrong in making a new one? We have identified our new program as "Jaya Lanka" meaning victory for our country.

Q. The Oslo Agreement came into being when the UNP Government held peace talks with the LTTE. It is said the LTTE has given up the claim for Eelam, a separate state, and agreed for a Federal System to share power. This is the advice of the International community too. What is your opinion?

A: It is only the UNP leader and his document called People's Agenda that allege that the LTTE has given up the "Eelam"claim at Oslo talks.There is no formal Agreement as such called Oslo Agreement.

If there had been an agreement for a federal system, the subsequent talks could have proceeded on that line. But there had never been any follow up of the so called Oslo Agreement at the subsequent discussions.

Subsequent talks that did not have any target came to an abrupt end. The LTTE disclaimed the UNP propaganda of giving up the "Eelam" demand. It even boycotted the Tokyo Aid Conference. Thus it is clear that the UNP is using terms such as Oslo Agreement and Tokyo Agreement to mislead the people.

I acknowledge that the friendly countries genuinely interested in peace in Sri Lanka have put forth solutions. But solutions do not fallfrom the sky. Solutions must be rooted in our society. Therefore solutions must come from our people. It is because of this reason that I have presented a new approach targeting a broad national consensus.

Q. If one were to say that your own "Mahinda Chintana" is only a bundle of promises, what is your answer?

A: One may view it as a set of promises. People are assessed not by words they utter but by their deeds. We say only practicable things.We are not promising things such as the biggest dagoba in the world. We expect to invest our social resources to bring benefits to our people.

We have never smashed the heads of youth who clamour for employment. Instead we have illustrated our ability to fulfil promises by giving employment to 40,000 unemployed graduates at one go. Provision of fertilizer at a reduced price is not a popular promise or a subsidy measure.

We consider it to be an investment. We consider such matters as investments to increase production in order to make the farmer prosperous. Provision of a free meal to schoolchildren means bringing up a healthy future generation.

That is a social investment. People who have no regard for human resources as a means of economic development may discern such measures as mere promises. But our perspective is different. We represent an economy-giving recognizance to man power.

To expand the horizon of employment we have to expand the economy. To do that we have to improve productivity. We have to improve the services sector. We have to improve the infrastructure.

We have to improve the productivity of local human and natural resources. We have presented a practicable program towards this end.

Q. Your opponents allege that what you have presented is a repetition of the 1970 to 1977 closed economic policy of barriers andprohibitions?

A: That too is an old allegation. The same story was told of us at the 1994 General Election. It was repeated when the Alliance was in the offing in 2004. During the period from 1970 to 1977, ours was not the only country that tried that type of economic development. India was one of them.

Today we are living in the era of globalization with which we have to march forward. We proved our ability to do this when we were in the People's Alliance in 1994 as well as under the Alliance Government.

The UNP program is obsolete. That is the same neo-liberalism, which was tried and unsuccessful in many parts of the world since 1980. We are for improvement of the private sector. We will encourage foreign investment.

At the same time we will not deviate from the concept of social justice. The Government must necessarily intervene to alleviate poverty. The Government should safeguard public interests such as free education and free health services.

The UNP is endeavouring to privatize such ventures and earn profit to perpetuate power and riches in a handful of privileged people thereby increasing social inequalities. Benefits of economic progress must reach all sections of the society equally. Political and social stability can be achieved only through this method.

We have to combine the advantages and efficacy of the Free Market System with social democracy and humanism. This is the economic view prevailing in many parts of the world today.

High quality commodities and services must reach the consumer to meet day to day demands. At the same time we should not stoop to consumerism. Instead we should think in terms of a productive economy. We have to ascertain our due place in the world economy.

We must win recognition in the world market. We have to improve small and medium industries and take our local producers to the world market. We have to improve our harbours facing important sea passages and tie them fast to the world economy.

The labour force in our country must be brought up to world standards. The young generation must be imbibed with patriotism. Countries like China, India, Malaysia and Thailand, who are neighbouring us achieved development through their strong confidence in self-strength. The economic policy of Mahinda Chinthana is built up on this new concept. It is not an obsolete one. It is a futuristic program.

Q. A number of parties and groups holding different ideologies have come together to make you victorious. It is clear that their common objective is to defeat Ranil Wickremesinghe. Under such circumstances would you get an opportunity to implement a clear policy?

A: I have come forward as a common nominee. For the first time in political history a number of parties solicit votes for a candidate outside their party. That is for Mahinda Rajapakse. At a Presidential Election, the fact of being a common nominee by itself is a victory. There are two hurdles in this game.

First is building up of an alliance that will win. The second is the formulation of a course of action to win. I have cleared both these hurdles.

The Freedom Alliance led by the Sri Lanka Freedom Party encompasses a large number of constituent parties. The Muslim people in the East pledge their support to me in a chorus.Thousands of estate workers annoyed by Thondaman's betrayal are cooperating with me. In spite of different ideologies they hold, all these parties have agreed to the program of "Mahinda Chintana".

That is a broad program representing the aspirations of the people. The consensus we arrived at with these parties were achieved not secretly. When people friendly forces are gaining ground the reactionaries get agitated. I am dead certain that all these parties who have agreed to support me at the Presidential Election will stand by me to implement my programme of achieving peace, development and safeguarding democracy.

Q. There are allegations that you have forgotten SLFP policies?

A: What is the SLFP policy? That is the philosophy of Middle Path. Isn't it the same thing that I have presented in my "Mahinda Chintana"? The UNP infuriated by the visible defeat is today waging a huge propaganda war to mislead our party men.

They say there is a rift between President Kumaratunga and myself. But President Kumaratunga has by now addressed a large number of meetings soliciting support for me. It was by a unanimous vote that the Central Executive Committee of the SLFP elected me as the Presidential Candidate of the party.

Minister Anura Bandaranaike is at the moment strenuously endeavouring in the Gampaha District to support my cause. The UNP seems to have developed a new love for the SLFP of late. They are volunteering to save the SLFP.

There is nothing new for me to learn about saving the SLFP and its principles and how to foster the party. During my entire 37-year of political career I was no where other than within the SLFP. I was in the party through thick and thin and worked for its uplift. I shall uphold both the Government I intend to build as well as its main participant which is the SLFP.

I shall safeguard the interests of President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga who is about to retire with utmost respect. She is one of the greatest statespersons in the world. We the members of the SLFP are quite capable of looking after her. After the triumph of 1956, the SLFP became the party of the common man. I wish to state that exactly after 50 years since 1956, my Presidential triumph on November 18 will mark the renewal of that symbol of the common man.

Q. You are dead certain of your pending victory. Can you briefly outline the nature of the Government you propose to bring about?

A: Yes. I will definitely win. That is very clear according to observations. We are for a Government protecting humanism and people's dignity. We intend to change the political culture of conflict and animosity. We will take steps to bring in to existence a truly democratic political culture. We will not treat the Opposition as a set of enemies.

I shall not leave room for political victimization after the election. Nor will there be any room for harassment of the opponents. Instead we will enlist the support of our opponents to build the country. We will listen to the criticism of our opponents. The objective of our Government is to turn out a disciplined man who is mutually responsible for the welfare of the other.

We shall protect human rights to the maximum. We shall protect the rights of the individual to freely express views, write or speak and hold a political or religious philosophy of his choice.

It will be a Government inviting participation of people and not a Government chasing away the people. The political power I wield, I consider not as a privilege but as a temporary trust reposed in me by the people.

In terms of that trust I shall bring into existence a welfare Government free from corruption, a Government efficient and responsible to the extent of being transparent in conformity with the highest democratic features.

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