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(Reply to Jayadeva Uyangoda, the political scientist) by H. L. D. Mahindapala

Rather late in the day, Mr. Jayadeva Uyangoda, "a teacher of Political Science at the Colombo University", has realised "that leading sections of the Sinhalese political class have moved away from the visions and perspectives of extreme Sinhalese nationalism." (His quotes.) Both Radhika Coomaraswamy and Malini Parasarathy of The Hindu had acknowledged this "paradigm shift" long time ago. Both bemoaned the fact that there has been no corresponding shift in peninsular politics.

In fact, they have been withdrawing deeper and deeper into intransigent Jaffna-centric politics the primary cause for the national crisis to descend to this brutal level.

Mr. Uyangoda's sudden awakening to an old fact as one his new findings is a definite sign of his growing up from the kindergarten to grade one! It can also be regarded as a "paradigm shift" in the concretised craniums of those circulating in the NGO loop. Furthermore, this may indicate that the learning curve of the social scientists in the Colombo University notorious for breeding anti-Sinhala-Buddhist ideologues - has the potential to move upwards at the same speed of a leech climbing Adam's Peak.

Nevertheless, it is always better late than never. It has also dawned on Mr. Uyangoda that the JVP is for a "multi-ethnic and multi-cultural" society. He sees this as a reflection of the changes that are taking place now, as if these were not the norm among the average citizens who had shared their lives, values and experiences (despite passing aberrations) throughout their history.

Long before "multi-culturalism" became a fashionable term in the vocabulary of Uyangoda and academia our people have been living it from the time of their birth. Believe it or not, he has also discovered that the LTTE "has only succeeded in establishing a huge, effective and oppressive military machine for the Tamil nation."

In what jungle was he when Prof. Rajan Hoole warned the Tamils about this brutal killing machine in the early nineties? Even when the savage realities are staring in his face today, he has not ceased to glorify and justify this "huge, effective and oppressive military machine" , in his own devious way, as "the Tamil nationalist insurgency for secession". Nowhere does he describe the Sri Lankan Security Forces as the legitimate arm of the democratic nation to counter terrorism that goes with secession.

And, as he wades into LTTE politics, he gets all twisted up in his own political rhetoric which he spins as a profound scientific theory. He wants the LTTE "to deliver political emancipation in the form of independence or autonomy accompanied by political democracy, social justice and economic re-building." In other words, he is still hoping that the LTTE will create the independent state and also establish democracy.

Of course, he doesn't say which of his political theories can help Prabhakaran to achieve both objectives simultaneously. Perhaps, when he writes next time he could produce from his knowledge of political science examples of a fascist dictatorship, based on the personality cult of one man, changing voluntarily into a democracy.

He knows that this is an impossibility and he adds: "An undemocratic separate state or a sub-national state unit can produce only an illusion of political emancipation for the Tamil masses. The inability of the LTTE to reflect and represent democratic emancipatory impulses of Tamil society effectively and without delay reflects the limits to which the Tamil nationalist project has reached after an extremely costly armed struggle of over two decades."

So how does he propose to transform it? He doesn't. He is hoping that the LTTE, through some magic process, will "deliver political emancipation in the form of independence or autonomy accompanied by political democracy, social justice and economic re-building."

Stalin justified his brutal regime under the fake theory of the "dictatorship of the proletariat". Prabhakaran is justifying under the bogus theory of "the sole representative of the Tamils" - a political platform promoted seductively by the likes of Uyangoda and Pakiasothy Saravanamuttu.

Mr. Uyangoda also confesses that the "Tamil nationalist project is also stuck in time and space, being unable to democratise itself in any significant way." He sees "the separate state project, conceived in the late 1970s and executed by means of an armed insurgency from the early 1980s onwards" as having "reached a point....... that cannot be achieved by military means alone.

For fulfillment, it now requires democratic, political means and strategies." So who is going to handle the democratizing of the "dictatorship of the sole representative of the Tamils"? Prabhakaran? Or Colombo University? He has to choose between "the huge, effective and oppressive military machine" of Prabhakaran and democracy.

After going along with the theory of a "liberation movement" for so long he is now compelled to admit that it is an oppressive killing machine because objective and independent agencies monitoring the Sri Lankan scene e.g., Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch and UTHR (Jaffna) - have debunked his fanciful theories and proved beyond doubt that it is a "huge and oppressive military machine." It took years of telling for Mr. Uyangoda to recognize it.

As a late developer Mr. Uyangoda has at last conceded that the Tamil people will not find liberation under the "dictatorship of the sole representative of the Tamils". Yet he is not prepared to accept the logic of the conclusions dinned into his head by others and say that the time has come for regime change in the Vanni. He is still bent only on "re-constituting the state".

Prof. Thomas Fleiner, a leading authority on federal constitutions, told the Asian Tribune in an interview that democracy and dictatorship cannot co-exist in a federal state. Even as a separate state - Mr. Uyangoda's dream - a dictatorship will pose a permanent threat to a neighbouring democracy. So what's it going to be? Will Mr. Uyangoda theorize for an independent dictatorship with a "huge, oppressive military machine" or a region with devolved powers within an overall democracy?

If as he says "an undemocratic separate state or a sub-national state unit can produce only an illusion of political emancipation for the Tamil masses" what should his priority be? Poor, Mr. Uyangoda! He is stuck between his ideological illusions and the grim realities.

He also admits that the LTTE is incapable of either "reflect(ing) or represent(ing) democratic emancipatory impulses of Tamil society..." So what's his remedy going to be? As a political scientist who prescribes remedies for all ills, he has to make a choice.

Will he say: dismantle the "huge oppressive military machine" and shepherd the Tamil people back into the democratic main stream, with whatever degree of devolved powers agreed by all parties? Or will he give silent assent to the "oppressive military machine" as he has done in the past and present?

What's his political theory worth if he slides along slyly with the political evil that has brutalized Tamil society and oppressed the Tamil people without mercy? The monumental evidence piled up against the LTTE is running against his fanciful theories and that of his cohorts in the NGO loop.

As time goes on he will be forced to accept democratisation as the first priority for peace and devolution. Prabhakaran will not change. So Mr. Uyangoda has either to go along with Prabhakaran or change with the growing impulses of Tamils yearning for their freedom.

Besides, the rising anti-LTTE tide against the fascist regime in the Vanni will continue to erode the power base of Prabhakaran. After two decades of human and social sacrifices what has Prabhakaran to offer the Tamil people? Separate state? (Ask the international community!) Academic freedom? (Ask Prof. Ratnajeevan Hoole and his brother Prof. Rajan Hoole ! ). Basic liberties provided by "the Sinhala extremists" to all communities? (Ask V. Anandasangaree, leader of the TULF !).

Mr. Uyangoda has to make a choice. But he talks only of "re-constituting the state" and not the centre of all political evil located in the Vanni. Like all mytho-maniacs in academia Mr. Uyangoda talks of "a militarised sub-national state." Here he is elevating the "huge oppressive military machine" into "a sub-national state." But what does this "sub-national state" give its people? Does it provide education?

Does it provide health? Does it provide roads and buildings? Does it pay the salaries of the government servants who serve the Tamil people? All this is done by the "Sinhala-dominated" state of Sri Lanka. It even pays the salaries and offers perks to the TNA MPs - the proxies of the fascist LTTE.

This, incidentally, is the only time that they don't blame the "Sinhala-dominated" government.

In the light of his latest confession, not even Mr. Uyangoda can dispute that the LTTE provides death, destruction, oppression and suppression. But these are not the functions of a state or "sub-national state". You don't need "a sub-national state" for it. Even "Kudu" Naufer can provide death, destruction, oppression and suppression, if he is let out of the cage.

The glaring fact is that Mr. Uyangoda's "sub-nation state" has failed in servicing its people with the basic political, moral, legal and welfare requirements.

If "the Sinhala-dominated, extremist and chauvinist state" ceases to provide the Tamil people with free education (from kindergarten to universities), free health services, free infrastructure, even while a section of the Tamils are out to destroy it, Prabhakaran will be exposed for what he is: exploiter and a destroyer of the Tamil people.

It is the "Sinhala extremists" who maintain the welfare of the Tamils, however defective it may be. Prabhakaran, on the other hand, utilizes these welfare facilities to reinforce his "oppressive military machine". The state subsidies take the burden off Prabhakaran of looking after the people under his control. He uses the spare cash (millions from illegal taxes and extortions from Tamils ab road at home) not only to turn the people against the democratically elected state but also to suppress and oppress them by raising the bogey of the Sinhala people as "the enemies of the Tamil people".

Going by his past performances it could be assumed that it will take another decade for Mr. Uyangoda to adjust his blinkers and see this reality.

In the meantime, he can be expected to bat for his "sub-national state" arguing, in his convoluted way, that "the Sinhala extremists" have changed but not changed enough to provide his fascist hero the full powers to run his "oppressive military machine" without any hindrance. Like all crypto-fascists he wants the state to be "re-constituted" to empower the oppressors of the people. Is this the political science that he teaches at the Colombo University?

(This writer is not a teacher of political science at the Colombo University, thank his stars. He teaches political scientists how to teach political science as a humane discipline.)

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