Get the message?
by Dayan Jayatilleka
History shows that peace is not always better than war, and a low
intensity war is not always preferable to a decisive, all out one.
However in our specific conditions, it is better to prevent or delay a
full-scale war. And it is imperative that we face such a war with the
world on our side rather than against us or neutral.
The Government of Sri Lanka is right to send a delegation to Oslo,
under its exceedingly able head of the Peace Secretariat Dr. Palitha
Kohona (who is doing a much better job than his distinguished
predecessor was permitted to by the then president, with her
Tiger-related advisors) for the June 8-9 talks on strengthening the
monitoring dimension.
Monitoring is intrinsically valuable as a tripwire against full scale
conflict. Both sides are likely to behave better if they know that the
monitors would expose to full international view, aggression on the part
of either. The side deemed the aggressor will be isolated
internationally, while the defender will gain international support.
There is no downside for Sri Lanka, since it has never initiated any of
the wars that have erupted on our soil. I would therefore commend a
qualitative augmentation of the SLMM, in terms of numbers, equipment and
reach.
Reading the Signals
The EU ban and accompanying resolution, and even more importantly the
Co-Chairs statement, have clearly signalled the belligerents as to how
they stand in the eyes of the world. What makes this crucial is that
neither side can win a war with its own resources. Prabhakaran can make
impressive military gains but he cannot obtain recognition for those
gains or prevent them being rolled back (he lost Jaffna in 1995 and
failed to regain it in 2000), if the Sri Lankan armed forces, however
battered, get significant external support.
The world has sent him a clear signal: renounce terrorism and
violence and accept the unity and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka. In
short, renounce terrorism, violence and secessionism and campaign by
non-violent means for a solution within a united (not unitary) Sri
Lanka. If Prabhakaran eschewed violence and switched to a non-violent
struggle for federalism, no one would fault him and indeed he might be
supported. But then again, if he did that Prabhakaran would not be
Prabhakaran and the Tigers would not be the Tigers.
This is not some Sinhala militarist prejudice. Oxford don Andrew
Sinclair, author of the pioneering (1970) Fontana Modern Masters book on
Che Guevara, describes Prabhakaran in his recent volume, a historical
survey of terrorism, as "*more extreme than Bin Laden*".
Thus Prabhakaran will not get the message that last week's events
send out.
Those events were the EU ban and the failure of the demonstration
launched by the pro-Tiger elements of the Tamil Diaspora. Any liberation
or guerrilla movement that is on the homestretch to victory, gathers
widening international sympathy, support and legitimacy. This is true of
both the Cuban and Nicaraguan revolutions. Prabhakaran's trajectory has
been in entirely the opposite direction, culminating in the ban by the
EU.
He has failed the second test too: when a movement is within reach of
victory, it is manifested in the street, with huge demonstrations of
support and solidarity. The LTTE was unable to make any impact
whatsoever in the global media, by its demonstrations. The sole report I
read mentioned several hundred demonstrators in all of Europe, with
barely one hundred in Stockholm! Thus, there has been a dramatic
shrinkage of the LTTE's mobilising power among the Diaspora.
This does not mean that Prabhakaran has no cards up his sleeve. His
bets are on Tamil Nadu, or rather, on the Sinhalese! He is hoping that
he can goad extremists within and outside the armed forces to kill more
Tamil civilians, which in turn will bestir Tamil Nadu politicians,
especially Mr. Karunanidhi, who will pressurise Delhi, which will
indicate to its new partners the US and the West, that the Sri Lankan
government and Southern public should be left to their own devices.
Mr. Prabhakaran's calculation may not be entirely unintelligent.
Whether it is so, depends on how intelligent or unintelligent the Sri
Lankan state and society prove to be.
Simply put, everything depends upon whether or not we get the message
that the world is sending us, and whether we act on it in time. If we
do, we shall either have peace, because the Tigers will be deterred by
the global support that accrues to us, or we shall be able to prevail
over Prabhakaran if he launches a full scale war of aggression, because
we can leverage external support.
If the international consensus on the LTTE is clear, then so too is
the consensus as concerns the Sri Lankan side. Globally, there is
zero-tolerance of Tamil civilian casualties, and the world expects the
Sri Lankan government too to adopt such a policy as manifested in the
cessation of extrajudicial killings and the prosecution of those who
have been involved in them so far.
The world community holds that the Tamil people, recognised as
distinct from the Tigers, have legitimate grievances and aspirations
which must be addressed by "dramatic" reforms of the state structure.
This means that either there must be a shift from the unitary to the
federal/semi-federal or, at the least a shift within the unitary state
to a system of regional autonomy through enhanced devolution.
Political vacuum
What is most shocking in the present situation is that for the first
time in a quarter century, (certainly over two decades), the Sri Lankan
state has no devolution proposals for the political resolution of the
Tamil issue (nor was it explicitly engaged in a dedicated process of
discussion on such specific proposals) which means there is a political
vacuum, with nothing concretely on offer even for Tamil moderates.
The JR Jayewardene administration discussed District Development
Councils with the TULF's Dr. Neelan Tiruchelvam in 1980, and the
amalgamation of district councils with Indira Gandhi's special envoy G
Parthasarathy (the famous Annexure C), at the All parties conference of
1984. But Colombo seriously committed to devolution only in late 1985,
when after the failure of the Thimpu talks, Harry Jayewardene agreed in
Delhi, to the province as the main unit of devolution.
1986 saw the Political Parties conference (PPC) which produced a
detailed blueprint for provincial autonomy. The Indo-Lanka accord
followed in 1987, with the accompanying 13th amendment in 1988.
President Premadasa's all parties conference took place in 1990-91,
feeding into the parliamentary select committee which produced the
Mangala Moonesinghe formulae of de-merger in exchange for federalism, or
the linkage by an apex council, of the two provinces. President
Kumaratunga produced three drafts for substantive autonomy, in 1995,
1997 and 2000.
The Government of Sri Lanka seems to have got that point, as
evidenced by a new statement which enunciates a policy of 'maximum
devolution within an undivided Sri Lanka'. One notes the absence of the
term "unitary". However, words alone won't do. If as the GOSL statement
says, the All Parties Conference (APC) is engaged in that exercise, then
a definite and compressed time frame to reach consensus precisely on
'maximum devolution within an undivided country' must be agreed upon.
We need devolution of such magnitude, delivered through the
legislature with such speed, as to (a) neutralise/pre-empt Tamil Nadu
(b) shift India off the fence to a posture of active support for Sri
Lanka (interdiction of Sea Tiger supply ships) and (c) motivate the US
into giving us satellite intelligence, dedicated ground attack aircraft
and attack helicopters.
Surely that is not too onerous a task? In a recent article in the
Daily News, Prof. Lakshman Marasinghe reiterated his formula by which
quite considerable autonomy *within the unitary framework *could be
obtainable by a 2/3rd majority in parliament (and without a referendum).
While striving for such support at the APC, the Government should also
consult its own Minister Douglas Devananda and the Deputy Secy Gen of
the SCOPP, Kethesh Loganthan, an expert on the Indo-Lanka accord, the
13th amendment and devolution, on how to enhance the powers of the
existing provincial councils with a simple parliamentary majority and
Presidential fiat.
A recent issue of *The Economist *(London) ran a lengthy story of
devolution and 'home rule' in Scotland. The Scottish experience should
be another point of reference for the Government.
The Prabhakaran Plan
The world community has passed strictures on the Karuna group and
'elements of the EPDP'. These criticisms can be neutralised by more
mindful targeting and timing. Let Prabhakaran reveal himself the
aggressor. Karuna must not let himself be misperceived as a spoiler,
provoking Prabhakaran.
Prabhakaran does not need the world on his side, in order to launch
and successfully prosecute a military offensive, or to continue a
protracted war of attrition that would bleed us dry economically. He
would count on attacks on Sinhala civilians and the activity of his
civilian militia to draw the wrath of the Sri Lankan forces onto Tamil
civilians in general. This would activate the Tamil Nadu factor.
Then he would unleash his regular forces, including his crack units,
in a battle plan long-honed and rehearsed during the years of the
ceasefire agreement. (This is not so much the fault of the CFA, lopsided
as it is, as that of the Sri Lankan side which did not engage in the
same preparations, and did not even equip its Navy with the firepower it
needed!). This battle plan would doubtless entail attacks on Sinhala
civilians in the East to overstretch our troops, and Black Tiger strikes
in the cities.
The International Factor
While Prabhakaran does not need the world on his side to wage a war,
we on the other hand, do. The Sri Lankan state needs the world community
for economic sustenance and military supplies. It needs the outside
world to survive as a state with its present borders and a presence
embracing the island as a whole. Arguably it needs the world system, in
order to survive as a viable state as such.
This in turn requires paying heed to the voice of the international
community. The Co-chairs represent major centres of world power: the
USA, Europe and Japan. India is outside, but the Indian view is quite
plain; it has declined to sign a defence agreement, failed to give us
any heavy weaponry and is pronouncedly insistent on a political
settlement of Tamil grievances along the lines of India's own
quasi-federalism.
Thus India cannot be used as an Asian counterweight against the
Western imperialist Co-Chairs, as those illiterate in international
affairs were wont to advocate. That leaves Russia and China, but the
statements in recent months by both these countries were of the
blandest, most non-committal sort. I have long been a strong advocate of
a high level outreach to both Russia and China, and the Shanghai - 6
(the Shanghai Security Co-operation Organisation) of which they are the
core, but that is for the purpose of defence procurement.
Neither Russia nor China will go against a Western and Indian
consensus on Sri Lanka and it is debatable whether they can re-supply us
without the cooperation of India. Such cooperation inevitably requires
devolution.
Today, dangerously, for the first time in a long time, there is
nothing by way of devolution on the table, or even on the menu.
Dangerously, because the international community is running out of
patience and has put us on notice. Prabhakaran does not need the active
support of the world community, but we do. All he needs is to prevent
the world community from actively supporting us.
This however is something that is not in Prabhakaran's power! It is
in ours: only we can prevent the international factor from swinging in
our favour.
The decisive factor, the key variable in the struggle between
Prabhakaran's Tamil Tigers and the Sri Lankan state will be the
international factor. Sri Lanka is at a crucial turning point. All
sides, the Tigers and the GOSL, the Tamils and the Sinhalese, the
pro-Tiger Tamils and the anti-Tiger Tamils, as well as the Muslims, have
decisive choices to make. As far as world opinion goes, we are all in
the dock. Or the last chance saloon. |