Understanding Sinhala identity
Concept of Unitary State and its Roots in the Sinhala Consciousness -
Historical Hints from Michael Roberts's 2003 book Thu, 2007-02-15 03:48
Dr. Siri Gamage - University of New England
At a time when the political opinion in Sri Lanka is divided between
the concepts of federalism vs. unitary State as a solution to any form
of devolving power to resolve the conflict with the LTTE, it is
important to take a step back and examine the origin of these concepts
and the contexts which gave meaning to them.
There is a common understanding that these concepts are 'modern'
concepts deriving their meanings-theoretical and operational-from the
Western European political histories and thoughts.
There is also a question as to whether they are rooted in the
democratic forms of government as found in the same geographical areas,
therefore deriving their legitimacy from lands afar than the country of
focus - which is Sri Lanka.
Modernist forms of thinking as well as political, economic,
educational, and administrative institutions and processes inscribed
into the persona of colonised countries and bodies by the colonising
empires during the pre-independence periods have come under severe
criticism from the academics and activists who adopt postcolonial
approaches-especially those from the Southern hemisphere.
In this context, we can learn a great deal about the roots of the
concept of unitary State and sovereignty as existed in the pre-British
Kandyan Kingdom or Sinhala as Roberts calls it. A careful reading of his
work 'Sinhala Consciousness in the Kandyan Period' provides valuable
clues to show that the concept existed in Sri Lanka itself rather than
one imported from overseas. In this article, I elaborate this point
further with the help of Roberts' path breaking work.
Even though the book is about the identity and consciousness of those
who spoke Sinhala during 1590s to 1815/18 particularly in the Kandyan
Kingdom, chapters dealing with the King's relations with the foreign
powers that occupied low country areas of the island, Vanni chiefs or
rajavaru, and the chiefs administering outlying areas of the Kingdom
shed much light on the nature of associated concepts such as Chakravarti,
and Trisinhalesvara.
The analysis of correspondence between the King and the officials of
foreign powers in the low country, war poems (hatan kavi), classical
poems and paintings in image houses as well as oral histories as
recorded in the foregoing etc. point out to the fact that these
relationships were based on the King's expectation that he was the king
for the entirety of the island.
This expectation has continued up to the time of dethroning of the
last king in 1815. It was not only the thinking of maha vasala (king's
palace) in Senkadagala or Mahannuwara.
The book includes a meticulous analysis of historical sources
including those written by vernacular scholars that such a unitary
concept or sovereignty over the whole island was deeply rooted in the
identity and consciousness of the Sinhalese.
Performative mechanisms that existed in the society at the time such
as Kavikara maduwa, Kohomba Kankariya, Dekum reinforced this image of
the King and unitary nature of his kingdom. The relations between the
King and other centres of power were unequal. This was particularly seen
in dekum - a practice that all visiting chiefs and delegates from the
foreign powers inhabiting in the low country had to conform to. The
intentions of the latter were to obtain trading rites and commodities
while the King's and his officials' expectation was the adherence of
those subordinate to him to the performative rites like Dekum.
The system of governance existed in the kingdom has been labelled by
Roberts as Centre-Periphery. 'The capital city of Senkadagala or Kandy
was a cosmic centre that could stand as a sign for the whole kingdom - a
centre within the agrarian heartland that was the core of the Kandyan
polity, the Govigama dominated area' (2003:70).
He characterises the form of government in the kingdom as a 'tributory
overlordship' where gift giving by subordinates to the superordinates
was a key feature in a chain of command structure. It is a concept that
he developed from the indigenous rite of dekum and a number of other
practices. Even Vanni chiefs who administered some autonomous centres of
power at times engaged in this practice. The social order did not
distinguish the "religion" and the "political".
The King derived his authority from cosmic powers. 'Each ruler of the
principal Sinhala State considered himself to be Trisinhalesvara or
Chakravarti covering the whole island of Trisinhale' (2003:71). He
points out that in the 16th century, as the power of Kotte declined some
of the Vanniyars began to acknowledge the overlordship of Kandyan king
(2003:75). This would have been even more possible because of the
Nayakkar roots of the Kings of Kandy in the later phase. Along with
dekum, Roberts examines other practices such as panduru and pakkudam.
Godly powers of the King were associated with the Buddhist
righteousness.
According to Roberts, with the expanding standardization of "modern"
education, the teaching of Sinhalese history, particularly its literary
historical works, authors, and the role they played in the
socio-political organization of society disappeared.
By incorporating vernacular scholarly sources such as poems and
paintings, story telling via sermons, oral histories embodied in this
etc. he has adopted a noval approach to reconstructing history and
articulating the identity and consciousness of the Sinhale during the
Kandyan Kingdom period. In doing so, he makes valuable comments on what
he calls the middle period in Sri Lankan history also (1232-1818).
He charges authors like Nissan, Stirrat, and Spencer as engaging in
'simplistic theorizing' when they used the flexibility in the social
order that existed in the Kingdom allowing non Sinhala-Buddhist migrants
from South India to assimilate into the Sinhala identity and social
organization to argue that the society in the pre-British period was not
ethnically prejudiced.
Through his analysis of a range of sources, Roberts substantiates the
fact that the relationships were rather unequal (centre-periphery), yet
the non-Buddhist migrants were able to change their identity to be
included in the mainstream Sinhala-Buddhist identity. This is a major
thesis that illuminates a vexed issue pertaining to the modern and
post-modern conceptualizations of ethnic relations, identity, polity,
and ideologies.
This contention also shows the vast gap between 'modernist' and
'post-colonial' interpretations of history and society pertaining to the
Sri Lankan case. Roberts also criticizes the habit of applying 20th
century readings and understandings of history to the 19th century
social and political organization as well as associated ideologies.
The book contains valuable insights and interpretations about the
practices adopted by contending parties during the violent periods in
1983, and 1989-90,e.g.
Acts of mutilation and decapitation as part of the politics of terror
defusing fear in the whole body politic and local areas (2003: 152). He
asks the question as to why the dismemberment has been such a favoured
tool of punishment in Sri Lanka during periods of political upheaval?
Coupled with accounts of sorcery and similar practices including war
poems, Roberts provides a fascinating interpretation to the manner by
which the polity performed during times of peace and conflict in Sinhale.
Given these accounts and interpretations about the Sinhala as well as
the Sinhala consciousness included in this book, one could understand
why so many Sinhalese have been resisting the concept of federalism and
argued for the concept of unitary State covering the whole of Sri Lanka.
The book provides a window to the vast literature available on the
topic along with relevant pictures. What the analysis in the book tells
us is that for any understanding of Sri Lankan polity, its leadership,
core principles or foundations as well as the politics of unitary State,
one has to understand Sinhala identity and consciousness deeply rooted
in the history of the country rather than 'modern' Western political
concepts and ideologies.
Dr. Siri Gamage: writer of this article is a Senior Lecturer, School
of Professional Development & Leadership, Faculty of Education, Health
and Professional Studies, University of New England, Armidale, NSW,
Australia 2351.
Excerpts courtesy: Asian Tribune
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