Philosophical understandings of cinema - 4
Last week, in this column, I discussed the writings of Gilles Deleuze
as representing an innovative body of commentary coming from a theorist
and philosopher of cinema. One of the points that I made was the
importance of the distinction he sought to make between the movement-
image and time- image; movement- image propelled the narrative while the
time- image opened a space for critical self-reflection.
Many scholars have found this distinction to be useful and have
applied it to varying contexts of cinema and have attempted to expand it
in audacious ways. However, there have been others who were less
enthusiastic and saw this bifurcation as misplaced categorization. One
of the most formidable of these critics is the eminent French
philosopher Jacques Ranciere. It is his approach to cinema, and the
philosophy that underwrites it, that I wish to explore today.
Jacques Ranciere has emerged as a powerful thinker, inflecting the
forward movement of a diversity of disciplines ranging from philosophy
and history to art and cinema. (Some weeks ago, I discussed his writings
in this column with reference to his privileged concept of the
distribution of the visible.)Today, I wish to focus strictly on his
understandings of cinema, although in the case of Ranciere, they are
inseparable from his vision of society and social action.
The name of Ranciere is yet to make its appearance in books on film
study, even the latest ones. However, in my judgment, he is an
enlivening presence in modern film thought and will eventually find his
way into standard text-books. I wish to discuss the approach of Jacques
Ranciere to cinema largely in relation to is works 'Film Fables', (2005)
'The Future of the Image' (2007) and 'The Politics of Aesthetics.'
(2004).
They serve to unfold his thought, compact and densely woven as it is,
in a graspable fashion. One useful way of gaining entrance to the
kingdom of his thought is through his counter-positions to Gilles
Deleuze whom I discussed last week. Ranciere thought hat Deleuze's
attempt to come up with two distinct types of images - movement image
and time image - was misguided. As he observed, 'movement image and time
image are by no means two types of images ranged in opposition, but two
different points of view on the image.' One of Deleuze's favorite
illustrations of time-image was Robert Bresson's work. Ranciere makes
the point that even here, it is impossible to isolate any time-images
from movement- image on the basis of specific and inherent attributes.
It is his conviction that the very same examples can be deployed to
illustrate the functioning of both types.
Another point of dissension pertains to the question of narration.
Gilles Deleuze leaves one with the uneasy feeling that he inclines
towards minimizing narration in film. Such features as narration,
representation, movement, action, are de-valorized by Deleuze. It is
Ranciere's view that these features are much more complex than Deleuze
would have us believe and that narration is primary and every other
feature flows from it. Furthermore, Deleuze, in his privileging of the
time-image seems to be privileging the irrational cut as opposed to the
rational cut. However, Ranciere believes that the so-called irrational
cut has now being vulgarized as a consequence of constant use in
television commercials, commercial films and that irrational cuts far
from undermining narrative, in their own way, support the movement of
the sequence of events. Clearly, Ranciere is presenting a view of cinema
that is largely at odds with that espoused by Deleuze.
In order to understand Ranciere's approach to cinema it is important
to have some idea of his social vision. He has as his declared goal the
achievement of democratic equality and the elimination of all forms of
oppression. In this regard, two key terms play a central role in his
formulations. They are 'police' and 'political.' Ranciere's use of these
terms departs significantly from the normal usage of them. The essence
of the police, to him, is not repression but rather a certain
distribution of the sensible that precludes the emergence of politics.
The term politics, according to him, is the capacity for dissension.
What politics does is to challenge the existing restrictive social
orders and pave the way for the full participation of citizens; this is
achieved through the reconfiguration of the distribution of the
sensible.
For Ranciere, the word redistribution carries two meanings - one the
idea of separation and exclusion and the other that of participation.
The distribution of the visible is intimately related to questions such
who can say, who is able to see, whose words carry weight in society.
These are as important in art and aesthetics as they are in the flow of
action in the larger society. Distribution refers to forms of inclusion
and exclusion as well as possibilities of participation. This guiding
concept of the distribution of the visible has important ramifications
of Rancier'e understanding of cinema.
The watchword for Ranciere is radical egalitarianism. In his view,
'politics exists when the natural order of domination is interrupted by
the institution of a part of those who have no part., and 'political
activity is whatever shifts a body from the place assigned to it or
changes a place's destination.' He maps this vision of the social order
on to the aesthetic order. He talks of two types of regimes of art.
Broadly speaking, a regime of art is a way of giving expression to
modes of doing, making, and coordinating their corresponding forms of
visibility, and the way of conceptualizing them. The two regimes of art
that he delineates are representative regimes and aesthetic regimes. The
representative regime of art upholds the hierarchy of the distribution
of the sensible. The aesthetic regime of art abolishes that hierarchy.
These are reflected in the larger organizing concepts of 'police' and
'politics.' Police indexes the existing social hierarchies and
exclusions while political refers to the elimination of them.
In discussing Ranciere's approach to cinema, two books that invite
closer study are 'Film Fables' and 'The Future of the Image.' In the
first book he discusses his concept of film fable and raises interesting
issues related to theatre and cinema, television and images, poetics of
early Hollywood films and offers perceptive readings of the works of
such distinguished directors as Sergei Eisenstein, F.W. Murnau, Godard,
Rossellini, Nicholas Ray, Fritz Lang. His notion of film as fables is
one that should stir a great deal of interest and inquiry among students
of cinema. According to him, cinema is a fable because it combines the
visual and discursive which, in turns, work with and against each other.
Therefore, to regard film narrative in simple, linear terms is to ignore
its inherent complexity and many-sidedness. For Ranciere, therefore,
film is a site of tension and contradictions; he sees film as a
'thwarted fable.'
The 'Future of Image' is also a book that repays close analysis. In
this book, he formulates an interesting new concept of image as it finds
articulation in modern art. His central point is that art has always
been intermeshed with politics, and one can discuss the former without
the shadow of the other looming over the discussion. in 'The Future of
the Image', Ranciere examine various art movements, the work of
innovative film directors such as Godard and Bressoon and investigates
into the theoretical positions of men of mind like Barthes, Foucaut,
Deleuze, Adorno, Lyotard. Ranciere argues that there is a stark
political choice staring in the face of writers, playwrights, artists
and filmmakers. They can either choose to produce works of art that lend
support, and galvanize, movements towards radical democracy or they can
engage in a form of reactionary mysticism, as many are wont to do.
His concept of the image is inextricably linked to the politics of
art, and his discussions of the future of the image is guided by this
desideratum.
When reading books such as 'Film Fables' and 'The Future of Images',
a number of important thoughts on the experience and analysis of cinema
begin to circulate in one's imagination. Owing to limitations of space,
I wish to focus on two points. First, the idea of fable as a larger
entity than a narrative deserves sustained study. For him, film fables
connote a more expanded concept than film script; the art of cinema is
concerned with the fabulation of images. These images can often
challenge, interrogate, subvert the meaning produced by the narrative.
In other words, film images tend to exceed the circles of meaning
established by the script. Ranciere points out that in a film like
Nicholas Ray's 'Live by Night', a woman's words convey one set of
meanings, and her appearance, 'loose and brushed hair' another set of
meanings. This potentiality that film images have to transgress the
zones of meaning marked out by the script is an important aspect of film
fabulation. The reduction to simple narrative linearity that almost
always impoverishes the filmic experience is resisted by his
multi-layered film fabulation.
Second, the intersection of aesthetics and politics through what he
calls the distribution of the visible is important. According to him,
both politics and aesthetics address the issues of imagining,
envisioning, partitioning, distribution. Ranciere believes that what is
central to politics, as indeed to aesthetics, is the distribution of the
sensible. The ideas of inclusion and exclusion, the power to speak and
the lack of power resulting in the inability to speak are equally
relevant to politics and aesthetics. As I stated earlier, in Ranciere's
view, the representative regime is a system that facilitates the
coordination of the relations between what can be seen and what can be
said. The aesthetic regime, in contrast challenges this and allows the
voices that are silenced to be hard and the invisible to seen. These
have great implications of the understanding and analysis of cinema.
Let me cite a Sri Lankan film as an example. From the very beginning,
as a filmmaker Dharmasena Pathiraja was interested in the creation of a
critical cinema. He wanted to break out of the constricting formats
associated with existing modes of filmmaking in Sri Lanka and explore
new and more productive pathways. He was disconcerted by the haze of
ossifying orthodoxy, both in terms of film making and film criticism
that had begun to settle over local film culture. It was his declared
intention to create a new cinema that was able to fashion a
counter-discourse to the popular style of filmmaking and the bourgeois
artistic cinema. One aspect of this ambition is manifested in his belief
that film fables can usefully contradict the basic script.
When one examines some of his early films like 'Bambaru Avith' and
Para Dige' and also some of his later works, one observes his proclivity
to urge disjunctions between the visual and aural registers that
Ranciere saw as a mark of film fabulation. It is Pathiraja's way of
promoting critical cinema. Second, the idea of the distribution of the
visible - so central to Ranciere's thought - is conspicuously present in
a film like 'Soldadu Unnahe.' This film deals with the issue of the
dispersal of the visible that Ranciere talked about. The film revolves
around four characters that have been distinctly marginalized and
rendered invisible - an old soldier, a prostitute, an alcoholic and a
pickpocket. The story unfolds over a brief span of three days; the
Independence Day, and the day preceding and following it.
The Independence Day is celebrated with the customary pomp and
glamour; politicians exult in the joys of freedom. At the same time the
director contrapuntally compels us to gaze at the four characters for
whom the idea of independence, and the concomitant exultations, have
very little meaning, This film, like many of his other works, aims to
move towards an understanding of radical equality that Rancier saw as
being so vital to the functioning of democracy, and to the plight of the
invisible.
As with other film theorists, Rancier has his own share of strengths
and weaknesses. Although he does not show a predilection for hair-fine
exactitudes of scholasticism, he does not display the same intimate feel
for cinema that Bazin and Deleuze do. With intense patience, through
nuance and allusion, he advances along steeply inclined path of thought
gathering increasing complexity. The life-force of his thinking is
imprinted by a desire to eliminate all forms of social oppression. And
this pulse of his thinking, with its energizing impact, carries resolute
conviction. It is this conviction that can be identified as the thread
of authority that runs through his writings on cinema. As a consequence
the orders of truth uncovered by politics and art become each others
mirror images.
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