CJ should face stark reality
Divergent views have been
expressed over the recent impeachment motion against Chief Justice
Shirani Bandaranayake.
What is important is whether the impeachment motion against the Chief
Justice is legal, constitutional and whether the correct procedure has
been adopted. The charges levelled against the Chief Justice are of a
serious nature. Hence, the 117 Parliamentarians who are signatories to
the impeachment motion against CJ Bandaranayake have exercised their
constitutional right in the best interests of the country.
It is up to the Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) to probe the
allegations against the Chief Justice. Hence, one should not undermine
the PSC's powers to conduct such investigations. Any attempt to do so
would undermine the privileges of Parliament and the supreme right of
its members who represent the masses.
Nobody should be allowed to undermine the supreme right of the
country's legislature. The aspirations of the masses are reflected
through the elected people's representatives of Parliament. They are
accountable to the people who voted for them.
Members of the legislature go before masses and get a fresh mandate
every six years. Hence, they make every effort to take any action deemed
necessary in keeping with the wishes of the masses.
The Executive President has wide-ranging powers under the 1978
Constitution introduced by the then UNP Government. The late President
J.R. Jayewardene, who was instrumental in introducing the 1978
Constitution after the UNP's landslide victory at the July 1977 general
election, had once said that the only thing that the Executive President
cannot do is to make a man a woman and vice versa. This sweeping
statement from the horse's mouth itself is ample testimony on the power
of the Executive President.
However, this powerful position is accountable to the masses and the
legislature. Although the Executive is also elected by the people, once
in six years, the country's legislature could bring an impeachment
motion against the Executive President. This alone proves the supremacy
of the country's legislature.
All previous elected Executive Presidents, though they had been Prime
Ministers earlier, subsequently undermined the supremacy of Parliament.
However, President Mahinda Rajapaksa stood out among all other Executive
Presidents as he continued to repose implicit faith in parliamentary
democracy.
Moreover, President Rajapaksa demonstrated his steadfast belief in
parliamentary democracy by amending the Constitution to make it
mandatory for the country's Executive President to attend Parliament at
least once in three months. Earlier, Executive Presidents attended
Parliament only once a year, and that too for the ceremonial opening of
the new parliamentary sessions which were confined to a few minutes.
This manifests President Rajapaksa's sincere efforts to strengthen
parliamentary democracy. He always believes in the people's power and
goes before the masses to get fresh mandates even before the due dates
of elections. Though the Jayewardene regime folded the electoral map and
extended the term of the 1977 Parliament through a controversial
Referendum in 1983, President Rajapaksa always respects the electoral
system and gives the masses an opportunity to exercise their democratic
right.
On the other hand, the Judiciary is appointed by the Government. If
the Judiciary does not act in a transparent, free and fair manner, the
masses do not have any means of removing them. It is only the country's
Legislature that is constitutionally empowered to remove judges of the
Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal through an impeachment motion, as
there is provision in the Constitution to do so.
The MPs who signed the impeachment motion against the Chief Justice
requested that a special parliamentary committee be appointed to examine
the charges and the Speaker agreed to appoint the PSC in keeping with
the Constitution and in accordance with Standing Order No. 78 (A).
The charges levelled against Chief Justice Bandaranayake include over
20 bank accounts not given in the declaration of assets and liabilities,
taking over the Ceylinco case heard by another Bench, buying an
apartment from the company on Ceylinco Attorney papers, undeclared
foreign currency deposits to the tune of Rs. 34 million and Rs
19,362,500 in undisclosed funds, which is unbecoming of a Chief Justice.
These allegations are of a serious nature and nobody in his or her
right senses could expect her to be given immunity or pardon over these
charges. It is up to her to face the PSC and defend her position. Those
who air tainted views against the impeachment motion, perhaps on
sympathetic grounds, should bear in mind that there are contending
sources of power, and that the checks and balances envisaged in the
constitutional document are to ensure that the judiciary stands sentinel
over the Executive and the Legislature, and vice versa.
Since there are many allegations against the Chief Justice, she
should follow the right procedure and face the PSC. At a time she is
complying with this procedure, those with vested interests should not
hamper the process. If she is found guilty of the charges preferred
against her, she will have to face the consequences.
It seems that a certain section is trying to give it a political
twist and project a negative picture on the course of action taken
through the PSC. There is no doubt whatsoever that the impeachment
motion against Dr. Bandaranayake with 117 signatories handed over to
Speaker Chamal Rajapaksa, is constitutional and conforms to the due
process.
This is not the first time that a Chief Justice of the country has
faced an impeachment motion and we had two other precedents. Those who
were reticent when there were impeachment motions against then Chief
Justices Neville Samarakoon and Sarath Nanda Silva, are now making a big
hue and cry over the action against Dr. Bandaranayake.
Hence the procedure which should be followed is enshrined in Sri
Lanka's Constitution. In the previous instances, those who mooted the
impeachment motion went by the 1978 Constitution. Therefore, the
procedure cannot be any different to what it is today.
It seems that certain INGOs, along with the sympathisers of the Chief
Justice, are doing their damnedest on cyberspace, concocting stories
through the web. This is purely to give a political angle and brainwash
the public on the ongoing PSC proceedings.
International organisations and others who are daydreaming of a
regime change in Sri Lanka are trying to move heaven and earth to
realise their wild dreams. Anything that transpires even within the
legal and constitutional framework is being given a different
interpretation so that they could use it to lobby in the international
arena.
One cannot rule out the possibility of even Tiger cohorts indulging
in the web mafia to paint a dismal picture of the actual situation. This
is not even remotely connected with the independence of the judiciary.
People should not be misled by the INGO and Tiger cohorts' propaganda by
juxtaposing the current impeachment motion against the Chief Justice
with the independence of the judiciary.
The Government and the President have always upheld the independence
of the judiciary and never intimidated judges, unlike during
Jayewardene's UNP regime. In fact, the Government even went to the
extent of establishing a Judicial Security Division to afford special
protection to judges and has taken every possible step to uplift the
standard of the judges. Steps are also being taken to provide Mercedes
Benz cars to judges of the Supreme Court, thereby replacing the official
fleet of Jaguar cars. All these steps are being taken to ensure the
dignity and status of the judiciary.
However, at the same time, they too are accountable for their acts in
private life. The current PSC procedure will make the judiciary more
transparent and boost the confidence of the masses on accountability.
Nobody for that matter is above the law and each and every citizen of
the country should respect law and order and the Constitution. Any
attempt to point an accusing finger at the PSC and the current
impeachment motion would reflect adversely on the judiciary. Rather than
providing 'ammunition' to anti-Sri Lanka elements overseas, all what the
Chief Justice could do is to face reality - by appearing before the PSC
and adducing evidence in her defence.
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