One year after the power seizure
BANGKOK – It is quiet, it is calm. One year after the military
announced martial law, suspended the constitution and took control of
the country, there is scant sign of public remonstrance.
Thailand’s May 22, 2014 coup came after months of political unrest
and violent clashes between government supporters and those calling for
then-Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra’s ouster over a proposed amnesty
bill.
An early election did little to quell discontent, and Yingluck’s
power was rapidly eroded. Hauled before a constitutional court on abuse
of power charges, the prime minister was found guilty and summarily
dismissed on May 7.
Within two weeks, General Prayuth Chan-ocha was installed at the helm
of a programme intended to swiftly and harshly shutter dissent.
The arrests, threats and harassment have done the trick: most critics
have gone silent.
“They breach our houses, they kick in our doors, they talk to our
families,” said student activist, Than Rittiphan.
For those still pushing back against the military rule, it has been a
long year, said Than, adding that it has been difficult watching his
friends be jailed. “It’s one year since the coup? It seems like four
years already.”
“In order to run the country smoothly, [we] suspended the
constitution of 2007, except for the chapter on the monarchy,” the
military announced in a televised statement broadcast May 22.
In the early days of the coup (Thailand’s 12th since constitutional
monarchy was installed in 1932), protesters marched on Bangkok demanding
a restoration of democracy.
Others displayed their opposition by reading George Orwell books in
public, flashing a three-finger salute popularised by The Hunger Games,
and eating sandwiches.
Three-finger salute
The seemingly benign acts became punishable and arrests multiplied.
Just two days after the coup, dozens of academics, lawyers and activists
were summoned by the ruling National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO).
Many fled.
“The regime has proven that it’s really serious about dissidence,”
said Pavin Chachavalpongpun, a political analyst and professor at Kyoto
University who himself was forced to apply for asylum from Japan after
receiving an NCPO summons.
Andrea Giorgetta, head of the Asia desk at the International
Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), said the military had been highly
effective at suppressing opposition.
“Behind the façade of stability, the junta has steamrolled
fundamental human rights and runs the country unchecked.
Members of the military have been directly responsible for a myriad
of violations of international law but there is no way to hold them
accountable,” he said.
At the junta’s disposal is a range of quasi-legal weapons.
According to data from Thai legal rights centre, iLaw, more than 750
people have been summoned to military camps or detained in the past
year. At least 146 have been arrested during peaceful protests after the
military outlawed gatherings of more than five people.
Incitement charges and even the Sanitation Act have been employed
against demonstrators, while the country’s controversial lèse majesté
law has proven a particularly potent means of dealing with critics.
FIDH has announced there had been at least 47 detained since the NCPO
came to power – an “unprecedented” number of lèse majesté cases.
Whatever the allegation, those arrested under martial law can expect
few basic rights. The military is permitted to hold detainees up to 10
days without charge, which has created a powerful atmosphere of fear,
said Jon Ungphakorn, executive director of iLaw.
“Their relatives were not told which military camps they were being
held in. In some cases they were blindfolded, in other cases put in vans
with covered windows so the detainees didn’t know themselves where they
were taken,” he said.
“The thing which is giving the power to the junta is the use of
martial law, which is now replaced by Article 44 of the interim
constitution,” he said, referring to the sweeping law that last month
replaced martial law and which allows for absolute power in the name of
security.
Empowering the junta
Outside the judiciary, blunter tools were engaged. Local diplomats
pushed for extraditions, police paid visits to activists’ families and
spies followed the politically contentious.
The student activist, Than, said members of the Thai Student Centre
for Democracy are frequently forced to move around to avoid police
harassment. “This is trench warfare,” he said. “The military in this
country just wants power, they’re going to be in power for a long time.”
While Prayuth has promised democratic elections, few expect them to
arrive anytime soon. Immediately after the coup, he gave a timeframe of
15 months. By June, elections had been pushed back to October. Four
months later, he said it was unlikely necessary reforms would come in
time. Addressing such criticisms, Prayuth lashed out in a televised
“progress report” speech given last month.
“There’s no country in this world that can have peace with unlimited
freedom, meaning freedom should go hand in hand with duty, respect of
rights and mutual respect among individuals,” he said.
“People should just get on with their lives. If you have done nothing
wrong, you have nothing to fear.”
Whether Prayuth can outlast the current calm, however remains to be
seen. The students said they will continue to fight, a poor economy is
sowing discontent, and local media has warned the military appears to be
wearing out its welcome.
“I think now, more or less, they would be able to control the
situation,” said Pavin. “But it doesn’t mean that society has become
totally passive also. It might be quiet but it’s kind of like simmering
water. We just wait for it to explode.” (Al Jazeera)
|