Victims of sectarian clashes across India |
Ensuring justice:
The challenge before India
by Dilnaz Boga
While India mooted the idea of regular direct contact among police
chiefs of South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC)
nations to fight terrorism and other trans-national crime in Thimpu, two
studies on extremism in India have shown loopholes in the way the
systems function and a lacunae between accountability, human rights and
justice delivering mechanisms.
An evaluation of two in-depth studies, one carried out by the Indian
Government and the other, by an international human rights organization,
sheds light on the reasons why justice has sometimes evaded victims of
terror attacks in India and why extremism has managed to flourish in
many parts of the country.
A February 2011 report titled 'The "Anti-Nationals": Arbitrary
Detention and Torture of Terrorism Suspects in India' by the Human
Rights Watch (HRW) shows that cases of illegal detentions have plagued
India after every terror attack, since 2001.
Since 2001, there had been 18 terror attacks in India, with Mumbai's
11 July 2006 attacks leading the death toll with 209 dead and over 700
injured. Since 2001, the numbers of people killed in these attacks
amount to 715 while 1,940 have sustained injuries.
In all these attacks, hundreds were picked up and interrogated, 108
were charged, dozens of arrest warrants issued, but inexplicably, there
were a dismal number of convictions in these cases.
Miscarriage of justice
The HRW has found credible evidence that police units investigating
the attacks engaged in widespread and serious abuses of suspects'
rights, such as arbitrary arrest and detention, torture and other
ill-treatment, including threats against suspects and their relatives.
Indian authorities have long blamed attacks within the country on
extremist organizations based in neighbouring Pakistan and Bangladesh,
the report stated. The report focuses on torture and other abuses
committed by the police against alleged Muslim militants. But the Indian
security forces have long applied similar, unlawful methods against
members of other groups deemed a security threat, according to this
report. These include Maoist rebels known as Naxalites in much of the
central and eastern areas of the country, parties to the conflict in
Jammu and Kashmir, and Hindu militants accused by the home minister of
'saffron terror.'
The HRW interviewed more than 160 people in India, including the
relatives and lawyers of more than 35 suspects in the 2008 bombings, as
well as five individuals who were subsequently released.
Swami Aseemanand, a key accused in Samjhauta Express blast
case |
The researchers discovered that mistreatment of suspects detained in
connection with the 2008 bombings occurred at every stage of custody,
from police lockups where many were tortured, to jails where they were
beaten, to courthouses where magistrates often ignored their complaints.
In a few cases, the relatives of suspects were even taken hostage by law
enforcement agencies. Specialised police units were the worst offenders,
particularly the Crime Branch of the Gujarat Police; the Maharashtra
Anti-Terrorist Squad (ATS); the Uttar Pradesh ATS; the Rajasthan Police
and the ATS it formed after the bombings; and the Special Cell police in
Delhi, the report stated.
Attacks on civilians
In the past three years, authorities have arrested a number of
alleged Hindu militants for attacks on civilians, focusing public
attention on what has been controversially termed "saffron terror," at
times, several years after blaming Islamic fundamentalist organisations
and detaining individuals from the same community.
The authorities laid the responsibility of the attacks on the Indian
Mujahadeen (IM) 10 times, on Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI)
seven times, on the Lashkar-e-Tayyaba (LeT) five times, on Abhinav
Bharat (AB) in four cases, Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami (HuJI) in three
cases, Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM) in two cases and ISI in one case.
In three instances, initially SIMI, LeT and JeM were booked but years
later, members of AB were charged.
The report revealed that several Hindu suspects were charged or
questioned only in late 2010 in connection with bombings at mosques in
Hyderabad and Ajmer in 2007, of a passenger train linking Pakistan to
India in 2007, and of a Muslim cemetery in Malegaon in 2006. Those three
attacks, initially blamed on Muslim militants, together killed at least
115 people and injured nearly 350 others.
The Hindu suspects include members of groups such as Abhinav Bharat,
which authorities have also linked to a second bombing in Malegaon in
2008 that killed six people. AB is allegedly affiliated with Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), which is widely considered the ideological
fountainhead of Hindu nationalist movements. As of this writing, a
ranking member of RSS was being questioned in the 2007 bombings, HRW
researchers found.
Investigators suspect that some members of the RSS may have been
involved in these attacks. According to the charges filed by the
Rajasthan Police in the Ajmer case, several RSS leaders also allegedly
attended a secret meeting where the conspiracy was planned. A front-organisation
called Jai Vande Mataram was started by one of the accused, Sunil Joshi,
who was later killed.
The abuse
Later, the Central Bureau of Investigation arrested Naba Kumar Sircar,
a religious leader who uses the name Swami Aseemanand, in connection
with the bombings at the Mecca Masjid in Hyderabad and the Khwaja
Moinuddin Chisti shrine in Ajmer. Other charges on him include the
Samjhuata Express train attack, in 2007, as well as blasts in Malegaon
and Modasa in 2008, and possibly the mosque blast in Malegaon in 2006.
Aseemanand, who is also linked to Abhinav Bharat, was apparently a
member of the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, another organisation inspired by
the RSS, the report stated.
Some of the worst abuses documented by HRW occurred in a lockup of
the Ahmedabad Crime Branch of the Gujarat Police, where many detainees
allege they were blindfolded and shackled with their arms crossed over
their knees from morning to night, investigators discovered.
Illegal detentions
In some states, police held suspects for days, or even weeks, with
the police failing to register their arrest. Many suspects also allege
that they were denied proper food and water.
In cases where suspects have filed complaints of such abuse, the
police units in question denied any ill-treatment, saying in court
papers that, for example, they 'meticulously followed' laws regarding
custody and that suspects fabricated wrongdoing to dodge prosecution,
discovered the members of HRW.
In several cases, plainclothes police picked up suspects and yet,
even with eyewitnesses present, did not register them as having been
arrested for days or even weeks, putting them at particular risk of
mistreatment.
Former suspects, relatives of suspects, and lawyers told HRW that
police held and tortured some detainees in secret interrogation centres.
They alleged that detainees were blindfolded and held in stress
positions during all their waking hours, beaten, subjected to electric
shock, or denied food and water. Many said police forced detainees to
make false confessions, at times making them repeat a fabricated version
of events until they had memorised it.
In Rajasthan, the state police, suspecting that the Pakistan-based
militant Islamist group HuJI was behind the blasts there in May 2008,
rounded up hundreds of Bengali-speaking Muslims for questioning. After
police released them, state officials nevertheless razed their homes,
claiming that their settlement was illegal. Many were forcibly put on
trains or buses and expelled to West Bengal state, which borders
Bangladesh.
The police insisted that they were illegal Bangladeshi immigrants,
although many of them said they had documents that proved their Indian
citizenship. "Whenever there is trouble, the needle of suspicion points
toward the minority," Mohamed Shafi Qureshi, Chairman of India's
National Commission for Minorities, told HRW.
Lawyers under attack
Lawyers defending Muslim terrorism suspects also came under attack
for being unpatriotic. After the 2008 bombings, several such lawyers
were physically attacked or threatened by Hindu extremists, many of them
fellow lawyers.
In the high-profile case of Ajmal Kasab, the lone surviving gunman
from the 2008 Mumbai attack, one lawyer was threatened by mobs, another
was removed from the board of a prestigious Muslim foundation, and a
third received a death threat for representing the defendant. Two
lawyers had to defy the local bar association to defend suspects in the
2010 Pune attack.
In February 2010, Shahid Azmi, who was representing a number of IM
suspects as well as an Indian co-defendant in the Mumbai attack, was
shot dead by gunmen. Police have charged three alleged members of a
Hindu criminal gang for the slaying.
Police counter-terrorism investigators, particularly in Ahmedabad and
Delhi, routinely manipulated Indian law in order to detain 2008 bombing
suspects well beyond the 15-day legal limit for police custody provided
under Indian law - in some cases for three to four months. This practice
not only violated the right to liberty, it also vastly increased the
risk of custodial torture and coerced confessions. "The most worrisome,
the most vulnerable period is when suspects are in police custody," said
Mukul Sinha, a Gujarat High Court attorney who handles high-profile
human rights cases. "When the law tells you 15 days you can't
artificially prolong it to 150 days."
The loopholes
The report elaborated that counterterrorism units cannot cross state
boundaries. According to Ajit Doval, a former director of India's
Intelligence Bureau, they "tend to focus their investigations on where
the attack occurred and they stop their investigations where their
jurisdiction ends."
The central government security apparatus is also outmoded. India
still lacks a nationwide crime database, leaving state police stations
as "virtually unconnected islands," the country's Home Minister, P.
Chidambaram, has conceded.
In a country of more than 1.1 billion people, fewer than 500
officials from the National Intelligence Bureau specialise in terrorism,
and fewer than 150 Coast Guard boats and aircraft guard 5,000 miles of
shoreline. More than one year after the Mumbai attack, India's foreign
intelligence agency, called the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW),
reportedly had little more than a dozen officer-grade employees with
Pakistani language and area expertise.
"Unless you have good intelligence you have nothing. You are just
groping in the dark," said Vikram Sood, former secretary of the RAW to
HRW. "You are going to catch the wrong chaps, you are going to alienate
the public, and you will create more Indian Mujahideen."
Government study
Meanwhil,e. poor conviction rates are not just a problem pertaining
to the bomb blast cases all over India but also in the Northeastern
region and the Naxal-affected states, a government study revealed.
In 'Social, Economic and Political Dynamics in Extremist Affected
Areas', a study commissioned by the Ministry of Home Affairs and
undertaken by the Centre for Development and Peace studies discovered
that many states in the Northeast scores poorly as far as conviction
rates of arrested extremists are concerned.
The report acknowledges that extremists are released as a result of
poor investigation processes, poor mechanisms for prosecution, as well
as the tardiness and formalities of the judicial process.
The report elaborated that the military formation of the CPI-Maoist
includes estimated 10,000 armed cadres, apart from a huge mass of
100,000 people's militia.
Extremist influence was visible over 50 odd districts in 2001, over
the next decade such influence had been expanded to over 223 districts,
the document revealed. At the root of such expansion lies the familiar
tale of underdevelopment, misgovernance, lack of land reforms and a
poorly trained police force.
Barring Andhra Pradesh, where a police-led response was instrumental
in the marginalisation of the military capacity of the extremists,
leading to a noticeable reduction in extremism related fatalities, most
of the other Naxal-hit states continue to hopelessly meander through the
challenges posed by the extremists, the report stated.
Apart from Chhattisgarh, which is the epicentre of the conflict,
Naxalite presence and activities were reported from 20 Indian states.
Regular violence, however, has plagued seven states.
States affected by Left wing extremism are among the poorest and
underdeveloped in the country, and also among the poorly governed, the
government document stated.
The tribal population, particularly Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh,
Orissa and Jharkhand, inhabits areas affected by the extremists. Parts
of West Bengal and Maharashtra where extremists are present too conform
to this narrative. Paradoxically, the areas are mineral rich.
Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh, Orissa and Jharkhand account for
approximately 85 per cent of India's coal resources.
Exploitation of the natural resources remains crucial for the
economic progress of the country. However, entry of the state and the
private/public sector companies has also been source of tribal dissent,
which has been exploited by the Naxals, the study revealed.
The report concedes that the state of land reforms through the Naxal
dominated states has remained unsatisfactory. States are either not
inclined to bring in land reforms or have delayed the process by not
implementing recommendations of land reforms commissions set up by
themselves. Andhra Pradesh is an example.
In the Northeast, the problem differs. The study, encompassing five
Northeastern states and three states affected by Left Wing Extremism, is
an attempt to fill the void. Leakage of developmental funds and
extortion continues to be the major source of terror funding in the
region, according to professionals and security officials.
Opposition to the draconian Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA)
continues to remain the major rallying point in states like Manipur.
Agitations demanding its repeal have broken out every now and then which
have its repercussions on law and order, economy as well as educational
sectors. It has also been a source of alienation among the people.
(Dilnaz Boga is an Indian journalist and the recipient of Agence France-Presse
Kate Webb Prize for her work) |