Why doesn't patriarchy die?
by Beatrix Campbell
The prevailing common sense that things can only get better, that men
and women are equal-virtually-is confronted by the vigour of patriarchal
divisions of labour and sexism in popular culture.
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The rape of an Indian student shocks the world and fills the streets
with protests; in the UK, women cleaners and caterers take councils to
court over patriarchal pay; a New York hotel worker exposes the head of
the IMF; women call out Twitter for the proliferation of online rape
threats; a 17-year-old Somali woman ignites action against Female
Genital Mutilation; millions in China protest against sexual harassment,
and in some of the most besieged places on the planet, Kurdish women
improvise novel ways of resisting nation states and sexism. Feminism
flares all over the world.
So, what's going on?
But, we hear, resistance is pointless because it is all over bar the
shouting...it is only residual sexism that is morphing into spasms of
rape, Twitter excess, archaic wounding and harmless opportunism by
sex-starved proles and drones? Isn't it just all over, bar a few greedy
feminists who think they can have more than everything, women demanding
freedom of choice who can't hack the consequences? After Conservative
Party leader David Cameron almost wore a Fawcett Society T-shirt saying
'this is what a feminist looks like', the Labour Party was almost led by
a woman in 2015, and the United States' president might be a woman in
2016?
We are asking 'Why Doesn't Patriarchy Die' not because we're
surprised, but because we want to know how sexist systems live and die,
where they nest and with whom, how are they refreshed and re-invented,
and where do they wither? We want to know when, where and why feminism
flourishes and becomes the zeitgeist.
In the 21st century, the meanings, locations and operations of both
patriarchy and feminism - or cultures and regimes of male domination and
the resistance - demands an engagement with a new world order - new
platforms, genres and institutions of both sexism and feminism. In the
21st century the prevailing common sense that things can only get
better, that men and women are equal - virtually - is confronted by the
vigour of patriarchal divisions of labour and sexism in popular culture.
Feminism has been a permanent presence in modernity, but it flickers
in and out of view, it fades and it flies. Women's movements make their
presence felt in moments of tumult and rupture. But not always. We need
to explore how they breathe, find their voice, create alliances and make
change when new historic settlements are shaped.
Why, we wonder, are women educated, organising and assertive in the
Sahrawi refugee camps in the western Sahara, whilst in Haiti's refugee
camps women are tormented by routine rape and robbery? And in the US,
the herald of modernity, why is home and waged work ever more polarised,
why are inequalities are growing at a rate unknown for a century?
Around the early part of the last decade - 2003/2004 - we saw
stirrings in the UK among young feminists because the purported freedoms
promised to women by neo-liberalism's rhetoric of choice were illusory;
this was crystallised by the austerity measures introduced to deal with
the financial crisis, the impact of which fell disproportionately (72
per cent) on women. Where neo-liberalism prevails, male dominated states
and individuals have a stake in controlling women's sexuality and
women's labour in the global marketplace. Austerity is a thoroughly
gendered project: it is reconstructing the relationship between state
and society through the attack on the welfare state, with dire
implications for a progressive gender settlement of the 21st century.
Only in a cluster of Scandinavian social democracies do welfare
states appear to take the side of women and children. Even they are
assailed by global pressure to shrink their welfare states.
The vacuum left by a much diminished state is being filled in some
countries by religious forces providing services with an ethos that
menaces women's rights. Secular values - historically a better fit with
women's aspirations - were hijacked by brutal military regimes,
exemplified by Egypt and Iraq. Now the rise of the religious right
represents a new threat - often enlisting the language of human rights
to promote the suppression of women's rights.
There are new divisions of labour across gender, classes and nations:
cheap labour is being re-distributed across continents; women are
trafficked in ever larger numbers for sex and domestic work; equal pay
disappears from the horizon amidst new forms of the 'dynamics of
undervaluation' of women's work; the global hegemony of neo-liberal
economics dis-organises workers and staunches the prospects of gender
economic equality; unpaid labour still contributes between a third and
half of GDP globally and is still extracted universally from women.
All of this exemplifies the 'modernisation' of patriarchal structures
and ideologies in the era of neo-liberal hegemony. Many of the issues
are the same but the articulations are different. That's what we need to
understand.
We have teamed up with a novel intervention in journalism: Byline, a
team that is crowd-sourcing freelance journalists to engender a new
relationship between writers and readers.
Modelled on the way that, for example, iTunes burst through
traditional ways of selling and buying music, one of Byline's founders,
Daniel Tudor, explains that journalism will benefit from an iTunes
moment.
In an era of the internet 'and extreme choice, do enough people still
want to buy a bundle called a newspaper, the contents of which are
chosen seemingly arbitrarily by an editor?' Byline sees itself as
'acting as curators of journalists.' Byline may go further and 'pave the
way for all manner of niche writers, gathering income for their original
work, or simply serve as a tip jar.'
(Beatrix Campbell is a writer and broadcaster. Her
latest book is End of Equality (Manifestos for the 21st century). She
has been a candidate for the Green Party in London, UK and this article
is part of her project project, 'Why Doesn't Patriarchy Die?' which she
claims belongs both to feminism's renaissance and Byline's new way of
doing the business.) |