Sunday Politics
Ranil-MR in ‘secret meet’ as pro-Mahinda group dwindles
SLFP divide continues:
MR avoids House vote on Budget:
Thajudeen case arrests imminent:
Thajudeen case arrests imminent:
When President Maithripala Sirisena, former General Secretary of the
SLFP, visited Paris before the Parliamentary election in 2010, the Paris
Branch of his party was bitterly divided.
Both factions of the Paris Branch of the SLFP attempted to hold
separate meetings with the then General Secretary of the party who was
visiting France on an official matter. President Sirisena, who had been
in the party for nearly three decades, did not take too long to realize
that an internal power struggle was simmering in the party due to
administrative flaws of the then leadership.
President Sirisena’s next visit to Paris was early last week.
Although the visit was fixed months ago, the plan was altered at the
last moment due to the terrorist attack France’s capital city. After the
attack, the President decided to cancel his visit considering security
threats. However, there were multiple requests from the French
government to visit Paris and also to attend the Global Climate Change
conference – an event that drew the attention of the entire world.
The President decided to visit France a few days before he left for
the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in Malta. He
confirmed to the French authorities that he would be visiting France
after addressing the CHOGM as its outgoing Chairman. The President was
also scheduled to deliver a three-minute speech at the Global Climate
Change Summit, popularly known as ‘COP 21’.
President in Paris
Apart from the summit, the President also held a meeting with the Sri
Lankan community in Paris on the first day of his visit. The meeting
took place at the Sri Lankan Embassy and it was followed by a gala
dinner at the official residence of Ambassador Thilak Ranaviraja. Only a
select crowd was invited for the Ambassador’s dinner.
“How is your new Ambassador?” the President asked the members of the
Sri Lankan community as he sat for the meeting at the embassy.
Ranaviraja, a former Presidential advisor, assumed duties as the
Ambassador in France in September, this year.
“It is still too early to say something about the Ambassador. He just
started his work in Paris,” a member of the Sri Lankan community
responded and the President seemed satisfied with his answer.
“I know that. But, such questions too should be asked!” the President
said with his characteristic chuckle. First Lady Jayanthi Sirisena and
Ambassador Ranaviraja sat alongside the President during this friendly
discussion.
During the meeting, the President also shared his thoughts on the
current political situation in Sri Lanka. Some Sri Lankan expatriates,
who were present at the meeting, posed questions to the President about
claims from some circles of ‘threats to national security’.
“I am more concerned about national security than most of the
self-proclaimed patriots striving to create a fear psychosis among the
public,” the President countered, pledging that he would never
jeopardize national security.
“It is true that we have made some measures in the direction of
accountability and reconciliation. But, that does not mean that we have
betrayed the dignity of our own armed forces. I can assure that no
action will be taken to harm the dignity of our war heroes,” the
President assured. He also said the government would only probe into
individuals who violated the law of the land.
While thanking Sri Lankan expatriates for supporting him at the last
Presidential election, the President briefed them on the ongoing process
of constitutional reforms – a key promise in his election manifesto
early this year.
“We have embarked upon the constitutional reform process. To complete
that, we will have to resort to a referendum. My government is ready to
do that as well,” the President said, expressing his commitment to
comprehensive constitutional and political reforms.
“We wanted to introduce broader constitutional reforms through the
19th Amendment to the constitution. But, we had to bow down to the
Supreme Court decision. However, we transferred some amount of executive
powers to the legislature through the 19th amendment,” he added.
“Over the past ten months,” President Sirisena said, “the government
was very much focused on initiating social and political reforms. That
was our main promise during the Presidential election campaign.”
“Had former President Rajapaksa won the Presidential election, the
country would have faced more difficult problems. We were becoming an
isolated state where international politics was concerned. We have
reversed this situation now. Within two days, I met the heads of state
of the UK, Australia and Canada. This has never happened before,” he
said, briefing the Sri Lankan community on bilateral discussions he held
on the sidelines of CHOGM.
The President also told the Sri Lankan community that he was not in a
position to spend a long time in Paris due to the second reading vote on
the Budget fixed for December 02. He said he wanted to rush back to
Colombo before the vote.
Budget vote
Colombo’s political circles were overheating in the run up to the
second reading vote of the Budget. Issues involving vehicle permits,
fertilizer subsidy, pension schemes of government workers and taxation
were causing ripples across the country.
Although the SLFP ministers backing President Sirisena supported the
Budget, they had concerns about some Budget proposals affecting
ministries given to the SLFP. One such instance was the Budget proposal
on the fertilizer subsidy. The SLFP ministers were of the view that they
were not consulted before formulating some proposals concerning their
portfolios.
It was in this backdrop that the SLFP decided to propose last minute
amendments to the Budget before its third reading vote. As the UNP and
the SLFP have agreed to work together within the framework of a national
government, the UNP will have to accept at least some of the amendments
proposed by its coalition partner. At the same time, the party’s
position on the Budget has created a strong division within the SLFP.
The President, addressing the Parliamentary group meeting of the
party before the vote, urged his MPs to vote in favour of the Budget.
“If you can’t vote in favour of the Budget, at least refrain from
voting. Don’t consider this as an order. This is only a kind request,”
the President said. It was evident that the majority of MPs agreed to
the President’s request.
However, some MPs, including former Minister Dulles Alahapperuma,
said they could not support the budget due to multiple reasons. It was
no secret that the MPs who did not support the President’s suggestions
were MPs who strongly backed former President Rajapaksa.
Therefore, the outcome of the second reading vote demonstrated the
true strength of the Rajapaksa factor in Parliament. While the
government wielded the support of a two-thirds majority in the house,
over 50 MPs voted against the Budget. Those who voted against the budget
included the JVP and the UPFA ‘dissident group’ supporting Rajapaksa.
Nearly 45 MPs who are MPs of the SLFP voted against the Budget,
turning down the President’s request. This number can be interpreted as
the actual support base of the former President within the Parliamentary
group of the UPFA. More than half of the UPFA Parliamentary group either
supported the Budget or abstained from voting.
MR waning
Three and a half months ago, those who voted for the UPFA at the
Parliamentary election only elected candidates who openly supported the
former President’s political campaign. While the UNP was short of 7
seats to form a government with an absolute majority, the UPFA had a
strong Parliamentary group with 95 MPs the large majority of whom were
ardent supporters of the Rajapaksas. Thus, immediately after the general
election, it looked as if Rajapaksa, despite being a mere MP, would form
a force to reckon with in the House.
The second reading vote on the Budget, however, showed the manner in
which Rajapaksa’s political campaign had lost its steam in recent
months. A sizable number of MPs had moved away from the pro-Rajapaksa
camp and aligned themselves with President Sirisena accepting
ministerial and deputy ministerial portfolios. Another group of MPs who
were overlooked when offering ministries are now in the process of
repairing their ties with the President.
Even Rajapaksa, the de facto figurehead of the UPFA dissident group
who opposed the Budget, was not present in the House when the second
reading vote was taken. It was a clear sign that the former President
was not ready to take a strong stand against the Budget probably due to
his waning Parliamentary strength.
Weddings
Sources close to Rajapaksa told the Sunday Observer that the former
President was unable to attend Parliament on December 02 as he had to
attend two weddings. That ‘excuse’ however, raises a serious question
about the former President’s official priorities. Surely, Rajapaksa has
been in politics long enough to understand that the second reading vote
of a budget is more important than attending weddings!
In fact, several other UPFA Parliamentarians too were invited for the
same wedding which kept Rajapaksa away from the second reading vote. The
wedding took place at the Cinnamon Grand, Colombo, and the bride’s
father was a businessman who had strong political connections. Some UPFA
MPs attended the wedding after casting their votes at the second reading
vote of the budget and they met the former President at the event. It
was crystal clear that Rajapaksa did not have political confidence to
openly oppose the Budget.
Even some of his close associates, who were quite vociferous during
the recent Parliamentary election, did not utter a word during the
committee stage debate last week. Among them was former Minister and
UPFA Parliamentarian Johnston Fernando. Some believed that the former
Minister chose to keep mum during the debate as he was facing several
court cases on charges pertaining to misappropriation of funds and abuse
of power.
It was in this context that the rumour-mill in Parliament was agog
with the news that four MPs of the UPFA would cross over to the UNP
before the third reading vote of the budget. It was in the grapevine
that some MPs, who were staunch backers of Rajapaksa during the last
Parliamentary election, would be among the ‘crossover group’.
Thajudeen
Another hot topic in the country’s political circles over the past
few days was the JMO report on the death of Wasim Thajudeen, former
rugby player who once led the Havelock Club.
The JMO report on Thajudeen’s death, which was presented to court
last Thursday, was signed by Dr. Ajith Tennakoon, Chief Consultant
Judicial Medical Officer, Colombo, and head of the Institute of Forensic
Medicine and Toxicology, Dr. Jean Perera, Senior Lecturer at the
Department of Forensic Medicine and Toxicology at the Faculty of
Medicine, University of Colombo and, Dr. S.P.A. Hewage, Additional
Consultant Judicial Medical Officer.
The JMO report confirmed that the body exhumed on August 10 at the
burial ground in Dehiwala was the body of Thajudeen and that it also
tallied with DNA reports and other X-ray tests.
The fractures, according to the report, could only be seen in some
upper and lower parts of the bones. Therefore, the report concludes,
such fractures could not have happened as a result of a fatal car
accident. The medical experts have opined that such damages to bones can
only be caused by an assault.
Assault
The report says the bone below Thajudeen’s left knee was also broken
as a result of an assault. It also referred to a blow to his head that
left him unconscious during the attack.
Medical experts also state that it is impossible to believe that the
injuries to his neck and chest were caused during a car accident, as the
position of the steering wheel did not suggest anything of that nature.
Their report said it was possible to speculate that the injuries were
caused during an attack. The report also refers to a bleeding injury
below his neck.
According to the findings of the CID, Thajudeen’s body was not in the
front seat of the vehicle. It was recovered from the adjacent front seat
of the partially burnt vehicle. It was hard to explain as to how
Thajudeen, who was unconscious immediately after the ‘accident’,
switched seats within a matter of a few minutes.
Ominously, the report concludes that Thajudeen was not in the vehicle
when the ‘alleged’ accident took place. It says there is evidence to
believe that an ‘accident scene’ was a set-up and Thajudeen’s body was
put into the vehicle subsequently.
According to multiple Police sources, Thajudeen’s case has now come
to a point of no return. The verdict of the magisterial inquiry into the
Rugby player’s death is due on
December 10 and the Magistrate, in his verdict, will ‘officially’
determine whether it is a murder. It will give the green light to the
CID to proceed with the investigation and arrest the suspects in
connection with the incident. The Homicide Unit of the CID, one of the
strongest units in the Police Department, played a key role in the
investigation into Thajedeen’s death. Chief Inspector Geethika
Bodhipakshe, who later worked with the Presidential Commission of
Inquiry to investigate and inquire into Serious Acts of Fraud,
Corruption and Abuse of Power, State Resources and Privileges (PRECIFAC),
led the investigation during the initial stages.
PM-MR meet
The CID established Thajudeen’s death as a murder several months back
and took measures to trace possible suspects in the case. That was how
three ex officers of the President’s Security Division (PSD) came into
the picture. However, the CID was not in a position to disclose the
outcome of the investigations until the verdict of the magisterial
inquiry.
It was in this backdrop that former President Rajapaksa sought a
meeting with Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe on Friday. Many in the
political circles speculated that the former President’s bid to meet the
Prime Minister had something to do with the outcome of the JMO report on
Thajudeen’s murder. Probably they believed that the former President was
perturbed by the JMO report as his second son, Lieutenant Yoshitha
Rajapaksa’s name was also linked to the case by some sections of media.
The meeting between the Prime Minister and the former President took
place inside the Parliamentary complex on Friday afternoon. Both parties
kept the agenda a closely guarded secret and therefore no one knew
whether it had some connection with the Thajudeen investigation.
However, highly placed government sources told the Sunday Observer
that both the President and the Prime Minister have already decided to
make way for a free and independent inquiry into the popular rugby
player’s death. “The President and the Prime Minister will never stand
in the way of investigations. Culprits will certainly be arrested
irrespective of their stature and family connections,” an authoritative
government source told the Sunday Observer on Friday.
In fact, President Sirisena met the family members of Thajudeen soon
before the Parliamentary election in August. Thajudeen’s family had
fears that the rugby player’s death would be used as a vote catching
device and the investigations would come to a standstill after the
election. The President allayed their fears stating that he would not
allow anyone to interfere with investigations after the elections.
Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake too was present at the meeting
between the President and Thajudeen’s family members. Minister
Karunanayake was another politician who stood by Thajudeen’s family in
their time of need. For instance, soon before the exhumation of his
body, a suspicious vehicle moved around the house of the Thajudeen
family. The Finance Minister immediately took measures to inform the IGP
of the development and lodge a Police complaint. He also assured the
rugby player’s family that investigations would continue without any
political pressure.
In addition, ruling party politicians such as Ajith P. Perera and
Ranjan Ramanayake consistently took a strong stand with regard to
Thajudeen’s death and the on-going investigations. Some of the
politicians who supported Thajudeen’s family are expected to be present
in Court on December 10.
Judge transfers
Thajudeen’s case became a hot topic last Saturday during a meeting of
the Sri Lanka Bar Council, a decision-making body of the Sri Lanka Bar
Association. Some members of the Bar Council raised concerns that the
transfer of former Colombo Additional Magistrate Nishantha Pieris would
have an adverse impact on the Thajudeen’s case. They also expressed
disappointment and displeasure over the transfer of former Colombo Chief
Magistrate Gihan Pilapitiya.
Both Pieris and Pilapitiya had earned reputation among the country’s
legal fraternity as judges who did not bow down to political pressure.
Nishantha Pieris was the judge hearing the Thajudeen case in the Colombo
Magistrate Court.
A section of the Bar Council members discussed the possibility of
sending a letter to the Judicial Services Commission against the
transfers of Nishantha Pieris and Gihan Pilapitiya. However, another
section was not in favour of the idea on the grounds that the JSC,
headed by the Chief Justice, might interpret it as an attempt to
interfere with the affairs of the judiciary.
It was common knowledge that the country’s judiciary and judicial
appointments were heavily politicized during the tenure of former
President Rajapaksa. The Bar Council members were of the strong belief
that the recent transfers in the judicial service did not rectify
‘mistakes’ committed in the past. They alleged that some judges who had
strong links with the previous administration were given transfers
within Colombo while some judges, who did not give in to political
pressure under the previous government, were transferred out of Colombo.
They also pointed out that most of the cases concerning top echelons of
the former administration are being heard in Colombo.
Although the Bar Council meeting ended without a firm decision on
Saturday, they agreed to take this matter up with the country’s
political authorities. |