Constitutional reforms :
Reflecting the theory of social contract
by Dr. M.A.M.H. Barry
The constitution of a State is the organic and the supreme law of
that State. It explicates, regulates and articulates the relationship
and cohesiveness between the State and its people, people and people,
State and institutions, institutions and people, besides directing and
governing the State's relationship with the rest of the world.
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Pic: Courtesy adaderana |
Before ascertaining the objective, purpose and necessity for the
constitutional reforms, it is essential to understand the purpose of a
constitution for a country. It is to define, direct and govern the terms
of the social contract, the rights and obligations of all parties under
this contract and enforcement mechanism of its terms. The social
contract is an honoured and solemn agreement between the State and its
people.
The social contract will have a serious problem, when people feel
that the constitution does not righty address their problems or when it
lacks practical manifestation to meet people's reasonable aspirations.
Such discontent results in the demand for constitutional reforms or
replacement of an existing constitution. Hence, the government's
proposal to reform the existing constitution indicates that it is ready
to negotiate a new deal with its people.
Some of the identifiable cardinal principles which are indispensably
linked with the people's interest and aspirations for which reforms are
necessary, include: unity of the people, progressively realizing human
rights of the people, providing economic rights to ensure people's
dignity are respected, upholding constitution sovereignty, creating a
corruption-free administration, making public services people-friendly
and promoting good governance and freedom without damaging cultures of
the people.
Although our constitution was amended 19 times, the Sri Lankan
society appears fragmented and segmented.
Hence, uniting the country is the first and foremost duty of the
State and unity does not mean that is only territorial unity, but
unifying the diverse people for the single goal of national integration
and nation building. No State could be integrated or united through
regimental laws, administrative systems, by making laws without
considering diversity among the people or by introducing laws/rules
which cause discrimination against any particular community or people.
Unity in a pluralistic society lies in integration and not in
assimilation. The assimilation is an ideal process for a State which has
a homogenous population (one race, one religion or one culture) but for
a multi- religious /ethnic and cultural State like Sri Lanka, any demand
for assimilation will create chaos and confusion as no group or
community - be they the majority or minority - will not naturally or
voluntarily surrender its identity.
Integration vs assimilation
The unification or national integration does not demand sacrifice of
the identity of any group or people, whether racial or religious or any
other natural identities. The concept of unity without demanding
uniformity and diversity without fragmentation should be clearly
recognized in the constitution. This will make people loyal upholders of
territorial unity, national integration and nation building without
sacrificing their religious, racial or linguistic identities.
Diversity should be recognized and consolidated through
constitutional guarantees and mechanisms. Generally, such guarantee is
enshrined through the:
(1) Preamble of the Constitution.
(2) The nature or character of the State
(3) Equality clause
(4) Provision/s protecting the right to manifest religion and
practice cultures and
(5) Provisions for promoting fraternity and prevention of hate
campaign against any community
Our new constitution should contain strong and spirited words that
reflect the people unity and provide ways for harmony. The emotional
unity among the people is very important for racial and religious
harmony.
Once the former Indian premier V.P. Singh declared that, "the unity
among the Indians could be preserved only through emotional unity among
Indians." The Preamble of the South African Constitution contains
declares: " We, the people of South Africa,...Believe that South Africa
belongs to all who live in it, united in our diversity..."
Multiple identities
The constitution should recognize the multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and
multi-religious nature of the Sri Lankan society. The bill to repeal and
replace the constitution, presented by former president Chandrika
Kumaratunga's government in 2000, contained the following: "The State
shall safeguard the independence, sovereignty, unity and the territorial
integrity of the Republic and shall preserve and advance a Sri Lankan
identity, recognizing the multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and
multi-religious character of Sri Lankan society."
Similarly, the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement contained the following
provisions: (1.2) Acknowledging that Sri Lanka is a multi-ethnic and
multi-lingual plural society consisting, inter-alia, of Sinhalese,
Tamils, Muslims (Moors) and Burgers, (1.3) recognizing that each ethnic
group has a distinct cultural and linguistic identity which has to be
carefully nurtured, (1.5) conscious of the necessity of strengthening
the forces contributing to the unity, sovereignty and territorial
integrity of Sri Lanka, and preserving its character as a multi-ethnic,
multi-lingual and multi- religious plural society, in which all citizens
can live in equality, safety and harmony, and prosper and fulfil their
aspirations.
Under our constitution, among other rights, the equality clause is
enshrined in Article 12 of the Constitution. However, many people
misunderstand or misinterpret this to mean that Article 12 places all
people under one category for all purposes, thereby suggesting
overlooking or eroding diversity when it comes to areas of religions,
cultures, languages and matters like personal laws.
The equality clause is meant to be interpreted and enforced
equitably. The courts in democratic countries across the globe,
including Sri Lanka, have interpreted the equality clause in a context
of diversity.
However, our constitution should provide further elaboration on how
it could be enforced equitably. The South African Constitution has set
out examples of it, such as its Article 9 (Equality Clause) which
contains five supplementary provisions to further explain the equality
clause. Article 9(2) states: "Equality includes the full and equal
enjoyment of all rights and freedoms."
Extended provisions
Our cconstitution contains provisions on freedom of religion in
Articles 10 and 14(1e), which resembles Article 18(1) of the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). The right
to manifest his religion was not defined or elaborated in ICCPR but the
UN General Assembly Declaration (A/RES/36/55, 25 November 1981) has
given an inclusive list which could be regarded as the minimum standard.
Several constitutions contain expanded provisions on freedom of
religion. For instance, the Indian Constitution has elaborated
provisions contained in Articles 25 to 30. Article 25 guarantees the
freedom of conscience and the freedom to choose a profession, practice
and propagation of religion. Articles 26, 27 and 30 further consolidate
Article 25.
There have been debates on how to prohibit hate speech or campaign
and recently the government intended to bring an amendment to the
sections 292-294 of the Penal Code. The best way of prohibiting the hate
campaign is the insertion of a provision on this prohibition in the
constitution. For instance, the South African Constitution contains the
following provisions: The right in subsection (1) (Freedom of
Expression) does not extend to (a). propaganda for war (b) incitement
of imminent violence; or (c) advocacy of hatred that is based on race,
ethnicity, gender or religion, and that constitutes incitement to cause
harm.
The Penal Code also could be amended to supplement the constitutional
provision. The fear that it could be used against the opponents for
political purpose, could be addressed in the same constitutional
provision.
Since the modern states are empowered with expanded state powers,
there is growing demand and indispensable necessity for states to play a
generic role positively, beyond the traditional negative role of
protecting rights.
To make fundamental rights protection more meaningful, our
constitution should include and impose a generic obligation on the
state, similar to the South African constitution which in Article 7(2)
enacts, 'The state must respect, protect, promote and fulfil the rights
in the Bill of Rights. This covers the respect bound, protection and
fulfilment bound obligations of the State.
Although our Constitution has enshrined certain rights as fundamental
rights, due to many reasons the victims do not normally seek redress in
the Supreme Court.
For instance, since the victims have to file an action against some
powerful state authority, the fear or threat (real or perceived)
contributes decisively for the victim when making decisions on this
matter.
Such a progressive role could be originated by the State playing role
as 'intervenor' on behalf of the victims in fundamental rights actions.
One may argue that it is incompatible for the state to act against its
own officers, but it should be justly noted that no state has the right
to defend wrongdoers or human rights violators, but it has the
obligation to stand with the victims of the human rights' violation and
appear or intervene on their behalf.
Further, the fundamental rights provisions in our constitution have
to be expanded and consolidated. Our constitution does not have a
provision on 'Right to Life' though it was implicitly and tacitly
recognized in the Article 13(4) of the Constitution (Kottabadu Durage
Sriyani Silva case 2003).
The constitution needs to have a separate and distinct provision on
this right. The elaborated provision on Right to Information, the
provision that declares that people's dignity should be respected and
protected, right to privacy, rights of people with disabilities are
among the other rights needed to be considered for inclusion.
Welfare state
The welfare state is not a superfluous requirement, but it is
imperatively essential to protect the economic rights and dignity of the
people. Establishing social justice and helping people with welfare
measures is a vital part of the social contract of the modern state.
Hence, states have to move beyond John Locke and Rousseau's concept of
limited government without depriving the people's fundamental rights
(even modern liberalists promote welfarism).
For this purpose, the constitution should guarantee the economic
rights of the people. These rights should include, right have a decent
life, right to earn a living, right to education, right to shelter,
rights to health care and freedom from repressive labour practices and
other social/economic rights which provide social/economic benefits.
These rights should be enforceable or justiciable rights.
Since Sri Lanka is a developing state which lacks necessary resources
to provide for enforceable economic rights, the constitution could limit
the state's obligation 'within the limits of available resources' as
enshrined in the South African Constitution.
With regard to this, the South African Constitutional Court has
adopted the standard of 'reasonableness' as its primary adjudicative
tool in relation to social/economic rights. Our constitution could
include enforceable economic rights within the standard of
reasonableness and within the available resource limitation. The
significance of enshrining economic rights is (1) it provides
opportunity for the people to demand their economic rights within the
limitation of the guarantee and (2) it imposes key obligations on the
government of the day, to ensure optimum performance with the view of
providing maximum package to the people, including economic rights.
If the constitution is all inclusive and accommodative and contains
provisions on fundamental values and progressive protection of people's
rights, then there is necessity to uphold the supremacy of the
constitution.
Although with the enactment of the 19th amendment, the legal
mechanism for good governance is established to some extent, the
composition of the Constitutional Council, which is dominated by seven
politicians could impair the independence of the council.
The constitution should not be reformed or amended to serve political
expediencies of any party or to ensure the dominance of any group
against others. The purpose and object should be, to establish
distributive justice, including in political, economic and social
spheres, to all Sri Lankans.
'The writer is an Attorney-at-Law and Senior
Lecturer in Law and International Politics.' |