PM wows investors in Beijing :
UNP infuses young blood into the party leadership

Nearly 15 months after the victorious Presidential election campaign,
the United National Party, the ruling coalition’s main stakeholder,
shuffled its senior positions in a bid to give more responsibilities to
the party’s second and third tier politicians.
The
most significant outcome of the UNP Working Committee meeting last
Tuesday was the new appointment given to Minister Daya Gamagé as the
party’s new Senior Deputy Chairman. The National Organiser’s position,
the post previously held by Gamagé, was abolished.
Some in the UNP Working Committee, commenting on Gamagé’s new post,
said the Minister had been ‘kicked upstairs’. Although Gamagé has been
moved to a higher place in the party hierarchy, the post of national
organiser offered him a greater opportunity to serve the party on a wide
range of matters. They think the post of Senior Deputy Chairman may
confine the minister to a nicer but less-functional office, at least to
some extent.
However, it is also fair to assume that Daya Gamagé being ‘kicked
upstairs ‘ has already been compensated for by the appointment of his
wife, Anoma Gamage, the Chairperson of the Eksath Lak Vanitha Peramuna,
the women’s wing of the UNP. Anoma Gamagé was appointed to Parliament
from the national list and was given a deputy ministerial portfolio in
September. Former Parliamentarian Rosy Senanayake, who is now attached
to the Prime Minister’s staff at Temple Trees, held the women’s wing
position before.
Controversy
Minister Akila Viraj Kariyawasam, who was recently at the centre of a
controversy over his AIDS remarks was appointed chairman of the Jathika
Sevaka Sangamaya (JSS), the UNP’s trade union arm.
Many were under the impression that Kariyawam was being groomed for
the General Secretary’s post in the party. However, offering him a key
responsibility on the trade union front will strengthen Kariyawasam’s
position in the party, bringing him one step closer to key national
level responsibility.
The move has been made at a time when the UNP is exploring ways to
revive its trade union sector, one of the party’s most active and
vibrant arms under the J.R. Jayewardene administration. Many UNP-affiliated
trade unions faced numerous issues under the Rajapaksa rule and now the
party is in the process of consolidating its position on the trade union
front.
Minister Harin Fernando, a dynamic minister in the current
administration, was appointed as the Chairman of the Jathika Wathu
Kamkaru Sevaka Sangamaya, the UNP’s trade union for the estate labour
force.
Fernando made a great sacrifice for the party when he opted to be the
UNP’s Chief Ministerial candidate for the Uva Provincial Council
election, stepping down from his parliamentary seat. Fernando’s move
instilled confidence among the UNP supporters who were discouraged and
disheartened at that point due to various internal divisions in the
party.
The winning streak, initiated by Fernando, culminated with the
victory at the Presidential election early last year. Fernando’s new
appointment can be interpreted as an instance where his sacrifice was
rewarded by the party leadership.
Among others who received new positions were MP Kavinda Jayawardane
who became the Chairman of the National Youth Front and, Deputy Minister
Dr. Harsha de Silva, who was elevated to the position of an Assistant
Secretary. Alongside de Silva, State Minister Ruwan Wijewardene was also
made an Assistant Secretary of the party.
The new appointments made by the UNP Central Committee show a shift
in the party’s strategic thinking. It is all too evident that the UNP,
one of the oldest political parties in the country, has decided to
empower its youth leaders to take national level responsibilities.
According to the provisions of the 19th Amendment, the next
Parliamentary election will be held in 2020 and it gives the young
politicians the opportunity to demonstrate their strength and earn their
places in the party within the next four years.
Meanwhile, there was speculation that the posts of Deputy Leader and
Leadership Council Chairman would be abolished in the near future.
Commenting on the matter, a senior UNP parliamentarian told the Sunday
Observer that some positions were created in the past to avoid internal
power struggles when the party was in the opposition and the current
political situation did not need such measures. However, nothing was
discussed on the matter at the Working Committee meeting last Tuesday.
China and Port City
The UNP’s Working Committee meeting was held while the Prime Minister
was preparing for his first official visit to China. Even though China
has been a long-standing friend of Sri Lanka, the country’s foreign
policy shifted after the Rajapaksas fell out of power last year.
In the wake of the political change, the Sri Lankan government saw
the importance in repairing and re-strengthening its ties with China,
the second largest economy in the world and an emerging global super
power.
On the other hand, China was heavily involved in Sri Lanka’s
infrastructure and economic developments projects under the Rajapaksa
rule and the new government had to maintain its strategic link with
China, while managing other important partners in the international
domain. Against this backdrop, international media attached a great
importance to the Prime Minister’s interaction with the Chinese
government.
As Prime Minister RanilWickremesinghe left for Beijing, many
political observers said the tour would make a significant impact on the
future of the Colombo Port City project.
The proposed offshore city built on a reclaimed land adjacent to
Galle Face Green, was causing troubles for the government, not only on
the political front, but also on the economic and financial front.
Soon after coming to power in January, last year, the government
announced that it would re-negotiate the Port City agreement with the
Chinese company and re-assess its environmental impact. This process
took more time than expected due to multiple reasons.
Apart from the Chinese parties and the Sri Lankan government, there
were many stakeholders involved in the issue. Some NGOs raising serious
questions about the environmental impact of the project turned out to be
a force to reckon with. On the other hand, there was a political
dimension to the issue as the UNP, when it was in the opposition,
slammed the Port City project on multiple grounds.
But, when they came to power, the UNP-led alliance came to terms with
the fact that the Port City project was a reality they had to deal with,
and it was not possible to scrap the project overnight.
The most serious bottleneck concerning the Port City project was the
issue in the Environmental Impact Assessment. Breaking what seemed to be
a deadlock over the matter, the Chinese company handling the project has
now agreed to the dredging conditions set by the Coast Conservation and
Coastal Resource Management Department (CC&CRMD).
Conditions
“The company has also agreed to the other 70 conditions set out by
the environmental approval document,” authoritative government sources
said earlier this week, adding that this would end the EIA issue between
the government and the Chinese company.
The environmental approval for the Port City has been granted by CC&CRMD
under strict conditions that no dredging will be done in Site 1 of the
designated areas which came under the Supplementary Environmental Impact
Assessment (SEIA).
The area, a total of 46,000 square metres, has been declared a no-go
zone by the government and all dredging movements will be tracked by
Global Positioning Systems (GPS) and all records would have to be made
available to the CC&CRMD.
The SEIA published in December 2015 had indicated that there were
fishing grounds in the designated area and with the public outcry by NGO
groups, the government had decided to re-consider this option. The
project has now been given the environmental approval and dredging will
be done from Site 2 which is 5 km away from the coastline.
The approval has been given by the CC&CRMD which is the project
approving agency, after studying the Environmental Impact Assessment
report of April 2011 and the Supplementary Environmental Impact
Assessment report (SEIA) of 2015 and taking into consideration public
comments.
The conditions also stated that modern dredging methods should be
applied to minimise the amount of suspended sediment released on to the
sensitive marine environment such as reefs, hard bottom areas located in
the vicinity of the dredging site as indicated in the SEIA report.
Furthermore, precautionary measures should now be taken to minimise
overflow of extracted sand and contaminants from machinery and vessels.
It said in the environmental approval given that sand dredging
activities should be avoided in areas close to reef habitats, spawning
areas, breeding areas and areas that are more sensitive and productive
as well as sites having unique habitats, or threatened or endangered
species.
According to the conditions, any additional extracted sand for
reclamation should be obtained from the existing sand extraction site
allocated to the Sri Lankan Land Reclamation and Development Corporation
(SLLRDC) as proposed and identified by the Project Proponent.
Compensation
However, there are yet many questions over the amount of money the
Sri Lankan government has to pay to the Chinese party for delaying the
port city project for nearly 15 months.
Although there was no public announcement on this payment, many in
the political circles speculated that it would be around US $ 125
million. It does not need a lot of wisdom to understand that the Sri
Lankan government, at this stage, cannot afford to pay US $ 125 million
to China as compensation for delaying the project.
When contacted by the Sunday Observer, a highly placed government
spokesman who is involved in the interactions between the government and
the Chinese company said the actual amount might be less than 125
million US Dollars.
“What was presented in the news media was an exaggerated figure. In
my view, the actual figure would be less than 100 million US Dollars.
But still it is a huge amount for the Sri Lankan government in a
problematic situation such as this,” he explained.
It was in this context that Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and
the Sri Lankan delegation held discussions with the Chinese President,
the Prime Minister and other top-brass of that country’s administration.
As a result of this dialogue, China made a Yuan 500 million outright
grant (about US$ 77 m.) to Sri Lanka.
The Sri Lankan Prime Minister outlined his plans for the Port City
project in Beijing when he addressed the Chinese business community on
the same day he met the Chinese President.
Wickremesinghe said: “The Colombo Port City will be considered a
special jurisdiction area enabling it to function as the country’s
financial and business hub.”
‘Two economies’
He said the monetary laws would be changed to achieve this and
business could be carried out in a more relaxed environment with
exchange controls laws being relaxed. The Prime Minister also added that
with the commencement of operations of the Port City Sri Lanka would be
country with two economies.
Addressing the business forum hosted by the China Council for the
Promotion of International Trade at the World Hotel in Beijing, the
Prime Minister said that it was the first time that the two major
parties in Sri Lanka came together in a delegation to determine the
strategic economic cooperation between our two countries in the next
decade, a period of importance for both our countries because both our
countries are involved in the next level of economic re-structuring for
integration and prospect.
“It was also important to note that the relations are now shifting
from government to government and between government institutions to
institutions into private enterprises on both sides.
“At a time when both sides are looking at how we could engage with
the world trade and get a greater share of trade to our countries. Both
countries have come up with two concepts in which China has one belt and
one road concept and we have the hub for Indian Ocean.
“After all in the ancient days this silk route came in to Sri Lanka
and from Sri Lanka it went via the Indian Ocean you can see that
historical synergies are there and it is a matter as to how we could
cooperate. I have searched and read and I have been informed about
China’s modern silk route and maritime silk route and one belt one road
strategy.
“I would tell what Sri Lanka is planning to do: the potential of the
Indian Ocean for economic development has to be fully exploited. It has
not happened. We have Europe on one side and East Asia on the other
side. The potential of the Indian Ocean is enormous.
“The Bay of Bengal constitutes of larger countries. The population of
the whole of South Asia put together equals that of China. Imagine what
masses of people on the verge of economic development could do.
“There is Indonesia, Thailand, Myanmar and, the whole African east
coast. Within this important geographical milieu Sri Lanka is
strategically positioned as its hub. Sri Lanka’s objectives are clear
that it wants to become the business hub, logistics hub and, platform
for competitive value addition.
“In this regard we are carrying out a series of structural reforms to
make it easy for business and certainly our rules on monetary affairs
would be changed to make it more competitive and this would be announced
in June this year. In brief what we are trying to do is to convert Sri
Lanka into that hub.
“Firstly, we would convert the Western Province into a megapolis of
eight million people. It would be the largest city in the Indian Ocean
and above us would be Chennai, Bangalore and the new city of Amaravathi.
We certainly have a dominant role in the Bay of Bengal.
“We are in touch with the authorities of Andhra Pradesh who had
apparently made contacts with the same Singaporean consultants that we
have been working with for the Western Province megapolis,” the Prime
Minister said.
It is now clear that the government is determined to move ahead with
the Port City project, probably under tough conditions. The Prime
Minister’s explanation also showed that the government had the political
will to proceed with this giant project amidst a myriad of obstacles.
Fonseka’s car
Just before the Prime Minister left for his visit to China, he
attended the weekly Cabinet meeting at the Presidential Secretariat.
Wishing the Premier all success on his visit, the President said the
Prime Minister would be able to bring “a lot of gifts” to Sri Lanka.
This brief remark encapsulated the government’s expectations of the
Prime Minister’s China trip.
Meanwhile, yet another verbal battle occurred between Field Marshal
Sarath Fonseka and Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapaksa over a remark
the former made about a Buddhist monk. After Fonseka’s remark, the
Justice Minister went on to apologise to the monk on behalf of the
Cabinet and that, needless to say, irked the former Army Commander.
Fonseka said that by apologising to the monk, the Justice Minister
had violated the collective responsibility of the Cabinet and urged the
President to take action against Rajapaksa. It looked like none of the
senior members of the Cabinet, including President Sirisena, took
Fonseka’s request seriously.
Fonseka, who was made a minister two months ago, also made a request
to the Cabinet to buy a super-luxury car, whose price exceeded the
standard allocation for Cabinet ministers. Fonseka then suggested a
second choice but that too was beyond the limit.
At this time, the President requested the former Army Commander to
sort out the matter after discussing with the Finance Ministry. Although
Fonseka seemed unhappy, he had no other option but to comply with the
President’s request.
Cooray takes over Hilton
Ending a much-talked-about controversy, the Chairperson and the board
of Directors of Hilton resigned last week, making way for Krishantha
Prasad Cooray to become the company’s new Chairman. The board meeting
held on Friday endorsed Cooray’s appointment and he is expected to
assume duties after the New Year holidays.
Even the Prime Minister had to intervene to resolve the controversy
over the Hilton board. When Cooray’s appointment was made a few months
ago, Sagarika Delgoda and other directors stood in his way, without
stepping down from their posts. At this point, the Prime Minister
summoned them for a meeting and they requested the Prime Minister to
allow them to remain in the board until March 31.
On March 31, Delgoda and her directors resigned as per the Prime
Minister’s request and Cooray was asked to take over the affairs of the
company. However, Dheeshana Amarasekera, the daughter of corporate
finance expert and anti-corruption activist Nihal Sri Amarasekera, is
yet to resign from the board.
Cooray is a private sector executive counting years of experience in
the corporate sector and an academic background in Political Science and
Law.
Completing his schooling at St. Thomas’ College Mount Lavinia,
Krishantha read for a Bachelor of Arts (Honours) in Political Science
and Law at the University of Middlesex, UK.
In the corporate sector, he held several executive positions in
leading, innovative private sector companies, including the Ceylinco
Group, Richard Peiris Group and the Maharaja Organisation.
He joined the Richard Peiris Group as the Head of Business
Development and went on to found the first completely independent
publishing house owned by a public-quoted company.
He was instrumental in setting up Rivira Media Corporation (Pvt) Ltd.
under the Richard Peiris Group and served there as founding director and
Chief Executive Officer.
The two flagship newspapers launched under his direction, Rivira and
The Nation, continue to be widely read national newspapers in Sri Lanka.
During his stint at the Maharaja Group, Krishantha worked as a
Consultant, supervising, streamlining and ensuring executive
coordination of news broadcasts by the TV and Radio stations belonging
to the company.
His long-standing association with the media includes the
contribution of articles to several national newspapers. Presently, he
is a Board Director of DFCC Bank. |