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| Sunday, 9 June 2002 |
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SLFP and the N-E Interim Council Infact it is heightened economic activity in these areas and the dividends to the people of these areas, such as jobs, functioning schools and hospitals, roads and houses and other infrastructure development that will create the right atmosphere for political issues to be discussed at a later stage. It is not defensible for the SLFP to insist on the LTTE proscription until talks are under way and have made progress. The LTTE has received recognition, and de proscription here in Sri Lanka, even if it is a temporary one, is only a technical point that needs to be addressed now and not a major political decision. The Prime Minister of the country has signed a permanent ceasefire agreement with the leader of the LTTE granting them this recognition. The continued proscription of the LTTE surely should not be made the issue that led to a breakdown of talks and a resumption of violence? Why cannot there be an interim de proscription subject to certain ground rules? However, one cannot but feel scepticism and cynicism about the cohabitation process and whether it will move forward from rhetoric to reality. Despite much pontificating about Statesmanship and the country before self-etc, the political issue that drives both leaders is the dividend that will be generated from a successful outcome to the single most crisis that has bogged this country for the last twenty years. The reality is the return on investment from such cohabitation on this issue, who gets the dividend, and why it should be shared if it need not be shared. A political cohabitation on the ethnic issue between the President and the Prime Minister and therefore between the UNF and the PA, is as good a business issue as any, where both sides would have to invest much political capital and be satisfied with a shared dividend. Neither side will be able to claim any special dividends. The stakes are high, and a successful outcome to the peace process will bring substantial benefits, and the UNF is now in the driver's seat to pursue these benefits and possibly debating why they should share them with the President and the PA. On the other hand, a failure will be catastrophic to them (forget the country) and the political damage that will result will without doubt benefit the PA. That is how the pendulum swings. This is where the President and the PA comes in, an attractive target for the blame game, by keeping them outside the process and not giving them an opportunity for ownership of the outcome. The PA does not view this very differently; they would like a joint approach to the process so that they can prevent the UNF from reaping all the dividends. They have secured their insurance from the Sinhala voter by insisting on unrealistic pre conditions that would not move the process further unless they can share the dividends. In this scenario, ordinary Sri Lankans are entitled to ask as to what is right and just for the country. Is the right thing the question of dividends to the UNF or the PA or a successful outcome to the process where all Sri Lankans will be able to enjoy ensuing dividends? Both sides must share the glory of ending the war and ushering peace and a just outcome for all concerned. Both sides must participate fully and share the risks as well as the dividends. Neither side can have the cake and eat it, as the proverbial saying goes. However, how would the two major political alliances, the UNF and the PA view such a national issue? Will they rise above self and put the country ahead of their political interests? Only time will tell. |
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