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| Sunday, 25 May 2003 |
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Sixth Sense: Dealing with the LTTE's posturing by Raj Gonsalkorale Recent statements made by various political leaders give rise to speculation whether this is just posturing before a peace dividend is declared, an effort to get the maximum concessions and monetary benefits, or whether the peace process has got derailed from hard ground and gone into thin ice.
The LTTE has threatened to boycott the Tokyo donor conference, President Chandrika Kumaratunga has told the Indian leaders and the Indian media that the Wickremesinghe government has given the LTTE a defacto separate State and the Janatha Party President Subramanium Swamy has said the Indian government will send two divisions from the Indian Armed Forces and station an Indian Air Force squadron in Sri Lanka if the LTTE returns to war. To add to the list of posturing, the President has acted unilaterally to demonstrate her Executive powers and taken over the Development Lottery Board under her wings. Whether she is legally entitled to do so or not is really not the issue, as it is unlikely that she would have done what she did if it was an illegal act. Rumours and speculation concerning the privatisation of the lottery board, which provides a bulk of the funding for the Presidents fund, which in turn provides the President with a largesse to distribute for deserving causes and projects, were more than likely the reasons that prompted her action. Either way the President cannot lose, if she withdraws her action, she will do so after negotiating what she wants, and if she persists with her action, she would have still have what she wants and would have also demonstrated her Presidential powers, not something to be savoured by the Prime Minister and the government. In relation to the major crisis, the real crisis facing the country, the ethnic war and the increasingly fragile looking ceasefire, the LTTE clearly has no reason to return to war, as many analysts seem to agree. posturing It is widely believed that the LTTE has secured more of their objectives during the last one year than they ever did during 19 years of war. A defacto State? Quite possibly, only if they are recognised as an entity that can function as one. Some analysts are of the opinion that the LTTE needs only two more requirements to virtually function as a de facto State, that is, the recognition of a maritime boundary and sole responsibility regard to how donor assistance is to be used in the North and the East. The LTTE has staked a claim for a maritime boundary that questions the very sovereignty of the Sri Lankan Government over the North and the East, and they have begun posturing for sole responsibility over donor assistance. Former Foreign Minister Kadiragamar articulated the President's and the PA views on the gradual erosion of Sri Lanka's sovereignty in a well prepared and delivered speech in Parliament recently. Is President Kumaratunga right? Has Ranil Wickremesinghe given in lock stock and barrel to the LTTE? President Kumaratunga has consistently stated that aspects of the Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe's MOU with the LTTE was not acceptable to her as President and Head of State, and she has maintained throughout that the degree of autonomy given to the LTTE by default, not even as a result of outcome of negotiations, have been far too great and that these undermined the sovereignty of the country. This was the thrust of former Minister Kadiragamar's speech. Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe has maintained his position, but lack of information on the substance of discussions, negotiations, compromises made by both sides have left observers with the feeling that consensual handshakes and smiles, and the bonhomie displayed by both sides, have been more to do with fait accompli rather than about what should happen in regard to the ethnic issue. LTTE schools, a police force, courts, tax revenue measures, banks have been reportedly legitimised, and many other administrative activities associated with a quasi State have said to have been legitimised, with the Sri Lankan government appearing to abdicate their legitimate rights as a sovereign Nation to bear overall responsibility for these activities in all parts of the country. Whilst this appears to be the case, to be fair by the Prime Minister, the challenges he faced have to be considered when he took office. Sri Lankans have short memories and many would have by now forgotten the grip the LTTE had on the country less than two years ago, when a handful of their cadres managed to destroy half the country's commercial air fleet and half the Air Force. The threat to the Colombo harbour was very real and container transhipment, a very lucrative business, was lost, probably unrecoverable for many years. Colombo itself was a virtual prison camp, with people's movements heavily restricted, with road closures and checkpoints. The North and many parts of the East had become military stand offs, with neither side being able to claim superiority over the other, even though the Sri Lankan Armed Forces were showing obvious signs of being tired with a war that had no end in sight. Racketeering in arms supply was so malignant, the practice of racketeering, which people at the highest levels in the country are past masters at, had to be at least shifted to activities that produced even a semblance of productivity and growth, and not further destruction. A civilian political General was directing the Sri Lankan Armed Force leaving many professional soldiers in the Forces disheartened and disillusioned. Sri Lanka was not in a fit, able or willing state to continue the war, and something had to be done to shift the country from its morass. It will not be unfair to say that the Prime Minister had no choice, but discuss a resolution to the conflict with the LTTE more or less on their terms. The unfortunate fact is that the LTTE ended up in this position due only partly to their ability, single mindedness and viciousness, but perhaps largely due to the political wrangling amongst the politicians in the South, shameful racketeering amounting to treason by highly placed politicians from both shades of politics, and worse, by current and retired Armed Forces personnel wielding enormous influence with successive governments, procuring sub standard arms and armaments for the poor soldiers who were fighting a war in the trenches, losing their lives and limbs to maintain the comforts of a privileged few. Ranil Wickremesinghe, as the current Prime Minister, cannot be blamed for doing what he did. He should be congratulated for stopping the killing spree and destruction to property. The blame for allowing the LTTE to discuss from a position of strength and not as equals should rest with all previous governments. To the credit of President Kumaratunga, she changed the tone of the conflict from one of war psychology to one of peace psychology, and Ranil Wickremesinghe has been able to build on this. Again, to the credit of President Kumaratunga, she has not done anything to derail the peace process commenced by the Prime Minister. While these observations are historical records and political realities, the issue in hand transcends these, and has to be viewed from the context of what is right, what is best and not what might has precipitated. Edward De Bono, well-known educator, author and proponent of lateral thinking, coined a word for operating "above and beyond" competition. He called it "surpetition", meaning surpassing competition, operating in a different plane to competition. Sri Lanka and its political leaders need to engage in surpetition more than ever. The President needs it, and she should rise above competition and think of strategies that do not undermine the Presidential stance she has taken on most State matters. Her recent manoeuvre over the Development Lottery has soured her standing as a "Presidential" President. The Prime Minister needs it, in order to consolidate his negotiating position vis-a-vis the LTTE. outdated philosophy The LTTE needs it as they appear to be wedded to an outdated ideological philosophy that may have been valid twenty years ago, but not today. If they began their struggle for the emancipation of Tamils, they have already achieved much of that and the country has undergone an irreversible metamorphosis. The very far reaching and brave constitutional changes proposed by President Chandrika Kumaratunga demonstrated how far the country had changed. Arguably, there are some areas that need further attention, but they do not need a defacto State for fulfilment. There are natural fears, genuine fears amongst the rest of the country, judging from the latest report of the Jaffna University Teachers' Association, which states that the LTTE will be given unparalled unilateral authority in the North and East to do as they pleased without consideration of human rights violations and democratic rights. The perception of Norwegian bias towards the LTTE is not doing any good to them or the peace process, considering that a large section of the electorate represented by the PA and the JVP is openly hostile to the SLMM as it is currently constituted. US Ambassador Ashley Wills recently stated what all right thinking people in this country have been saying for a long time. He has rightly pointed out the need for a joint UNF/PA negotiating team and how formidable such a negotiating team would be with nearly 85% of the country being represented in negotiations with the LTTE, with perhaps a mere 0.25% being represented on the other side by the LTTE. Of course if the LTTE wished to have higher representation strength, they could have invited representatives from other Tamil political parties to join them at the negotiating table. His argument is that in the current political climate, the political strength of a UNF/PA joint negotiating team, and the formidable formal and informal military strength and the organisation strength of the LTTE, will provide a better balance, with both sides being able to move forward only if there is cooperation and agreement of the other. This situation provides the best environment for the peace process to move into a climate of surpetition, from that of competition, an operation above and beyond competition. Such a climate would compel the LTTE to rethink their strategy and settle for a political outcome that will result in a harmonious future for all citizens and where Tamil people will enjoy equality, respect and security within a Unitary State. |
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