Broken bench:
Abusing law in NY tiny courts
Some of the courtrooms are not even courtrooms: tiny offices or
basement rooms without a judge's bench or jury box. Sometimes the public
is not admitted, witnesses are not sworn to tell the truth, and there is
no word-for-word record of the proceedings.

In the Town of Colchester, in the Catskills, court is in the garage |
Nearly three-quarters of the judges are not lawyers, and many - truck
drivers, sewer workers or labourers - have scant grasp of the most basic
legal principles. Some never got through high school, and at least one
went no further than grade school.
But serious things happen in these little rooms all over New York
State.
People have been sent to jail without a guilty plea or a trial, or
tossed from their homes without a proper proceeding. In violation of the
law, defendants have been refused lawyers, or sentenced to weeks in jail
because they cannot pay a fine. Frightened women have been denied
protection from abuse.
These are New York's town and village courts, or justice courts, as
the 1,250 of them are widely known. In the public imagination, they are
quaint holdovers from a bygone era, handling nothing weightier than
traffic tickets and small claims. They get a roll of the eyes from
lawyers who amuse one another with tales of incompetent small-town
justices.
A woman in Malone, N.Y., was not amused. A mother of four, she went
to court in that North Country village seeking an order of protection
against her husband, who the police said had choked her, kicked her in
the stomach and threatened to kill her. The justice, Donald R. Roberts,
a former state trooper with a high school diploma, not only refused,
according to state officials, but later told the court clerk, "Every
woman needs a good pounding every now and then."
A black soldier charged in a bar fight near Fort Drum became alarmed
when his accuser described him in court as "that coloured man." But the
village justice, Charles A. Pennington, a boat hauler and a high school
graduate, denied his objections and later convicted him. "You know," the
justice said, "I could understand if he would have called you a Negro,
or he had called you a nigger."
Long-time justice
And several people in the small town of Dannemora we re intimidated
by their long-time justice, Thomas R. Buckley, a phone-company repairman
who cursed at defendants and jailed them without bail or a trial, state
disciplinary officials found. Feuding with a neighbour over her dog's
running loose, he threatened to jail her and ordered the dog killed."I
just follow my own common sense," Mr. Buckley, in an interview, said of
his 13 years on the bench. "And the hell with the law."
The New York Times spent a year examining the life and history of
this largely hidden world, a constellation of 1,971 part-time justices,
from the suburbs of New York City to the farm towns near Niagara Falls.
It is impossible to say just how many of those justices are ill-informed
or abusive.
Legal rights
But The Times reviewed public documents dating back decades and,
unannounced, visited courts in every part of the state. It examined
records of closed disciplinary hearings. It tracked down defendants, and
interviewed prosecutors and defense lawyers, plaintiffs and bystanders.
The examination found overwhelming evidence that decade after decade and
up to this day, people have often been denied fundamental legal rights.
Defendants have been jailed illegally. Others have been subjected to
racial and sexual bigotry so explicit it seems to come from some other
place and time. People have been denied the right to a trial, an
impartial judge and the presumption of innocence.
In 2003 alone, justices disciplined by the state included one in
Montgomery County who had closed his court to the public and let
prosecutors run the proceedings during 20 years in office. Another, in
Westchester County, had warned the police not to arrest his political
cronies for drunken driving, and asked a Lebanese-American with a
parking ticket if she was a terrorist.
A third, in Delaware County, had been convicted of having sex with a
mentally retarded woman in his care.
New York is one of about 30 states that still rely on these kinds of
local judges, descendants of the justices who kept the peace in Colonial
days, when lawyers were scarce. Many states, alarmed by mistakes and
abuse, have moved in recent decades to rein in their authority or
require more training.
Some, from Delaware to California, have overhauled the courts,
scrapped them entirely or required that local judges be lawyers.
But New York has no such requirement. It demands more schooling for
licensed manicurists and hair stylists. And it has left its justices
with the same powers - more than in many states - even though governors,
blue-ribbon commissions and others have been denouncing the courts as
outdated and unjust since as far back as 1908, when a justice in
Westchester County set up a roadside speed trap, fining drivers for
whatever cash they were carrying.
Nearly a century later, a 76-year-old Elmira man who contested a
speeding ticket in Newfield, outside Ithaca, was jailed without even a
warning for three days in 2003 because he called the sheriff's deputy a
liar." I thought, this is not America," said the man, Michael J. Pronti,
who spent two years and $8,000 before a state appeals court ruled that
he had been improperly jailed.
'Justice in the Dark'
It is tempting to view the justice courts as weak and inconsequential
because the bulk of their business is traffic violations. Yet among
their 2.2 million cases, the courts handle more than 300,000 criminal
matters a year. Justices can impose jail sentences of up to two years.
Even in the smallest cases, some have wielded powers and punishments far
beyond what the law allows.
Justices are not screened for competence, temperament or even reading
ability. The only requirement is that they be elected. But voters often
have little inkling of the justices' power or their sometimes tainted
records.
For the nearly 75 percent of justices who are not lawyers, the only
initial training is six days of state-administered classes, followed by
a true-or-false test so rudimentary that the official who runs it said
only one candidate since 1999 had failed. A sample question for the
justices: "Town and village justices must maintain dignity, order and
decorum in their courtrooms" - true or false? The result, records and
interviews show, is a second-class system of justice.
The first class - the city, county and higher courts - is familiar to
anyone who has served on a jury or watched "Law & Order": hardly
perfect, but a place of law-schooled judges, support staffs and strict
rules.
The lower and far larger rung of town and village courts relies on
part-time justices, most of them poorly paid, some without a single
clerk. Those justices - two-thirds of all the state's judges - are not
required to make transcripts or tape recordings of what goes on, so it
is often difficult to appeal their decisions.
(New York Times)
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