Indian scholars mould universal outlook

Zoom Lens by Afreeha Jawad

Though the 1848 Colebrooke reforms revamped the entire socio/political/economic layout into a somewhat near all inclusiveness, it was not until the infamous 1956 Sinhala only bill that exclusive tendencies effaced whatever liberal democratic ideals those reformers may have had in mind. The dismantling of the caste based feudal economy certainly saw many socially displaced into upward social mobility - a result of reformer initiative into inclusiveness.

The vernacular or Sinhala language was done away with and English introduced as medium of instruction - the end result being the rise of an English educated class which knowledge enabled them to view life in an almost inclusive manner transcending whatever barriers. Exposure to universal literature through the learning of English literature significantly contributed in seeing beyond narrow ethno/religious boundaries.

This then is not to eulogise such endeavour as the most perfect. We know of its consequences that brought in elitist tendencies following social stratification. So the clarion call of 'Danapathi Bangawewa' - (down with the capitalist) was followed by ethnicity. If colonialism brought in majority rule, exclusion and exclusiveness, its further fortification was evident in the local scene in that infamous 'Sinhala only' piece of legislation that more than anything else ripped apart the prevailing composite all inclusiveness.

The all inclusive oriented class that emerged due to Colebrooke's insistence of English was replaced in the aftermath of 'Sinhala only' by ethno/chauvinists whose narrowed vision in the absence of exposure to English langauge and literature developed ultra nationalistic thinking that increasingly helped in widening communal divides. Let alone English, today a generation has set in quite ignorant of even Sinhala language and literature. So, the chaos then is best left to be imagined.

The plus point in making English the medium of instruction was the all inclusiveness that followed up to the point of keeping off communal leaning and narrow nationalistic tendencies. Yet to reiterate, it was not without its accompanying evil of class consciousness. However, the socially displaced in the lower caste groups that consolidated themselves in position in later years through 'Sinhala only' developed much hatred towards the non Sinhalese who were economically and politically well positioned in the colonial economy.

Contextualizing this state of affairs into historian Dr. Nimal Ranjith Dewasiri's speech sometime back is much food for thought. He told the audience how Tamils, Muslims, Chetties, Bohras and a host of other minority groups held dominant positions in a colonial economy. "For instance the Chetties were bankers, Muslims were wholesale traders while the Tamils were into business and other professions.

Religion based schools

In the entire identity legitimization process there was also the religion based schools founded all over the country. In this venture the British were not guilt free. For instance Lord Soulbury cultivated very close companionship with diverse community leaders to establish schools for their respective communities - an attempt into ideological legitimization for community existence.

Thus community and religious exclusivism gave much taste to the British palate in further dividing the existing divides for an effective colonial divide and rule policy.

Thus the all inclusive universal outlook devoid of ethno/religious/racial identity that once was Sri Lanka's blessing gradually ceased to be. The very tolerant closely knit Sri Lankan whole progressively crumbled.

In the political front there were major rumblings in the Ceylon National Congress - an umbrella organisation that held together all communities. The Tamils went their way on the 50/50 cry, and S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike chose his own niche following the refusal of party leadership. D. S. Senanayake, the then Prime Minister brought in biological legitimization of his son Dudley into leadership existence. This power exclusivism resulted in SWRD forming his own political party.

Legitimising their existence through their respective religions, languages and communities, each community leader was saddled in political power and became messiahs of their own communities. Not to forget is the fact that these powerful individuals formed the elite class that cut across communal and religious divides only to meet on a common platform. This then is not to disclaim whatever services to their communities but a narration of what led to and who was responsible in triggering off ethno/religio/political/racial exclusivism. How come Sri Lanka has missed out on a universal approach considering such attainment in the Indian scene.

Whither Universalism

The vastness of Indian regional diversity was not a Sri Lankan feature. Against the backdrop of Sri Lanka's limited geographical space, the spread of the we/they dichotomy of Anagarika Dharmapala - or the Aryan/non Aryan divide was quick to spread. Propping it up was the Sinhala only claim. However, the new Indian leaders following independence though sharing commonality of Hindu religion could not spearhead a designed course of Hindu nationalism due to regional diversity bearing so many languages. Their call for solidarity was devoid of ethno/chauvinism which augured well for ground laying of inter-regional development of a federative culture that finally strengthened the foundation of a multi-cultural post colonial order - (Reference Jyothrindra Dasagupta - India's 2004 elections).

Noteworthy here are the voices of Ranmohum Roy (1722-1833) and Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar (1829-91) who pushed forward the idea of a political community not of the British type but one that clearly included people belonging to all religious groups. In dress, manner, diet and spiritual scholarship Ranmohum, a Hindu Brahmin was more closer to Muslim culture than his own. His proficiency in Islamic knowledge and culture earned him the title Zabardast Moulavi from Muslim scholars. His command of Asian and European languages, religious, texts and political, cultural discourses commanded national and international recognition.

Vidyasagar with his blend of Sanskrit, Bengali and European languages, religions texts and political discourses led to a 'national cosmopolitan' discourse. The Armiya Sabha (1815) and Brahmo Samaj (1828) they initiated were both social movements for public action and was intended to be a universal forum for rational understanding open to people loyal to any religion. The movement steadfastly promoted public debate and justification of faith, morals and social practice.

Thus we see Indian intellectuality of a superior kind than what we had over here. They decidedly were not self seeking, opportunists with a 'Hindu only' cry. They knew of the dangers in perceiving such. So was it with Mohammed Ali Jinnah who only threatened to bring in 'Urdu only' but never implemented such.The two Indian scholars Ranmohum and Vidyasagar were supported by Debendranath Tagore, father of Rabindranath in their quest for a universal ideal.

But call it God, Allah, fate or karma, Sri Lanka was not destined to be blessed with the richness of such scholarship for had it been so our tryst with destiny may not have brought us to where we are now.

Going by the various Sinhala folk songs and literature of early times the potential for an inclusive whole was prevalent. Yet narrow/social religio/political intervention with vested interests certainly contributed in hurdling that goal.

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