EU climate target analysis bears scars of industry lobbying
by Bryony Worthington

The coal-fuelled Fiddlers Ferry power station in Warrington.
‘The power sector has been given substantially fewer emission
trading permits than it needs. Pic: Getty Images
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Analysis from the European commission today that sets out options to
move beyond a 20% cut by 2020 bears the scars of an uncomfortable fight
between different factions. Industries that stand to benefit from the
European emissions trading scheme must counter arguments that higher
targets mean greater cost
Those who have yet to accept the fact that weaning ourselves off
imported fossil fuels and investing in a new clean energy system will
boost the European economy have had their knives out.
Although they haven’t been able to challenge the fundamental analysis
that it is now much cheaper and easier to reach more challenging
targets, they have been able to substantially water down the document
and add some special pleading on behalf of the old industries of Europe.
We are told the recession means there is less money available to
invest in the measures that will be needed to meet reduction targets.
But the reality is that thanks to the existence of the European
emissions trading scheme (ETS), a new source of windfall profits has
grown up in Europe that benefits precisely the same heavy industries
that are vociferously opposing progress. Emissions in Europe are now
capped and the permits issued to enable compliance with these caps are
now assets with a tradeable value.
These assets have been unequally distributed, giving heavy industry
generous surpluses while the power sector has been given substantially
fewer than it needs.
Falling emissions due to the recession means that companies across
Europe have been quietly amassing large volumes of surplus permits that
by 2012 could be worth around €18bn at today’s prices. Of course this
fact is quietly ignored by industry lobbies.
The other complaint seems to be that in these times of financial
difficulty we should not be contemplating further burdens on the
economy. Superficially, this sounds like a persuasive argument - except
that it is woefully simplistic.
The “cost” imposed by taking action to climate change is recycled
back into the economy. The sale of permits to industry raises revenue
for investment in new infrastructure, technologies and jobs.
Energy prices will rise to fund this investment, but this also
encourages investment in increased resource productivity that will have
both short and long-term benefits for the economy.
If there is one issue that the industry lobby should be agitated
about it is the massive flow of finance that currently leaves Europe to
be received by chemical companies in India and China for cheap emissions
offset projects. For this to continue as the primary means by which we
meet our targets is clearly not sensible.
The commission’s paper raises the idea of changing these rules and
this is a welcome acknowledgement that the short-term benefit of access
to cheap overseas reductions is not in our long-term interests since it
diverts cash away from much-needed investment here.
Within the paper there are other very sensible suggestions for how a
move to 30% can be achieved - such as removing 1.4bn permits from the
currently oversupplied ETS. This decision needs to be decoupled from the
highly political debate about the equivalence of action in other
countries and made unilaterally to rescue the scheme from irrelevancy.
Over 70% of all installations now have more permits than they need -
continued high allocations will all but kill the need for investment in
the EU until 2017 at the earliest.
It would be a great shame if knee-jerk reactions against anything
that ushers in change prevents the recommendations in today’s paper from
being adopted. All those industries that stand to benefit from the
proposals must help to counter the arguments that defend the status quo.
Bryony Worthington is the founder of sandbag.org.uk, a not-for-profit
organisation seeking to engage civil society in improving emissions
trading policy.
- Guardian.co.uk |