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| Sunday, 14 July 2002 |
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Features |  |
| News Business Features Editorial
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by Raj Gonsalkorale In regard to the first issue, there are mixed signals emanating from both sides. The death of more than 60,000 people, destruction of property worth millions of dollars, murder of political leaders and the futility of war does not seem to have effected people other than the ones who have faced the guns and bullets and suicide bombers. 20 years of war and isolation, with generations of Tamils losing valuable opportunities for advancement and a better life, does not seem to have affected those who have led innocent youth to the firing lines. While the South argue among themselves about co-habitation, power sharing, pre conditions and modalities for discussions, the LTTE openly carries on as if they are preparing for resumption of war at any time. One cannot but wonder whether the desire for peace is passionate enough for both sides to take the next step, which is the paradigm shift from what is, to what might be. Prisms We are used to viewing this conflict from prisms that are dated and outmoded. Many Tamils see it from a 1956 'Sinhala Only' and subsequent discrimination prism, and fail to see that the country has moved a great distance since then. They fail to see that globally, national boundaries are breaking down and countries are coming together as bigger economic and perhaps eventual political regions. They are not devoting attention to exploring ways and means of achieving self-determination within a pluralistic society where the concept of a homeland becomes meaningless when more Tamils would be seen living with Sinhalese and other racial groups, as they do now, outside the "homeland". It is not easy to find this formula, but it is what futuristic, intelligent Tamils should be thinking about and not attempting to carve a minute piece from an already minute country. The Sinhalese and the South, are not willing to see the woods from the trees and they are hung up on past glory, especially sections of Sinhala Buddhists who continue to defend their hegemony over the entire island and the obligation of all other races to live in this land at their behest. Sinhala political leaders have still not articulated adequately and forcefully, the right of Tamil people for self determination and how ways and means could be found to guarantee Tamils their equality in a pluralistic society without physical demarcation of a land mass. It has been left to the violence perpetrated by the LTTE to at least bring this matter to the discussion table. There are no easy answers, but if this right is accepted by the South, one can be reasonably certain that the war option may be laid to rest forever and answers found. If it was that easy to accept this principle, 60,000 people would not have died either defending it or opposing it, but if it is not accepted, many more are bound to die for a cause they espouse or are defending. What form could a new political model take to guarantee Tamils and other minority races equal rights? A bill of rights for all races and centrally, a second chamber for minority races, elected by their constituents and with veto powers over parliamentary bills, perhaps with the exception of appropriation bills, could be one such option. A powerful Parliament whose powers to enact laws will be counterbalanced by the second chamber, and an Executive Prime Ministership, who will be responsible to Parliaments and a non executive three member Presidential Council (with codified constitutional powers) replacing the current presidential system, with a Sinhalese, a Tamil and a Muslim and a rotating chairmanship of the Council, might be a model for the centre. At regional level, Regional Councils with substantial autonomy over defined governance activities, and central Parliament members being drawn from Regional Councils or elected by them to provide regions a direct voice in law making may be considered as a regional model. Self determination Whatever model one comes up with, it must give expression to a genuine desire and belief that all races in the country are equal and there is no first among equals. Every race living in Sri Lanka must have the confidence that their right for self determination would be respected and that methods of governance are designed to give expression to this right within a pluralistic society. Some limitations to the extent of self determination as it is understood today will be inevitable, but that is where intelligent people who have an eye for the future and not the past, will need to discuss and agree on what is best and practical for our country and our circumstances. There are many reasons why we should or should not adopt time tested models in other countries. We must draw from their experiences, successes as well as failures in designing our own models. We must however remember that their models have suited them, their history, culture and way of life and not ours. We have to recognise our uniqueness and design something that suits us. Surely the combined history and civilisation that Tamils and Sinhalese boast about, more than three or four thousand years between us, should provide enough genetic strength and intelligence to come up with our own model? |
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