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| Sunday, 16 November 2003 |
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LTTE proposals: not 'interim' but transitional by Kamal Nissanka, Secretary General, Liberal Party Now that the long awaited proposals by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam has been presented to the UNP administration through the Royal Norwegian Ambassador. There is an expectation that the abandoned talks in last April would resume with the presentation of the LTTE document. The rejection by the LTTE to participate in the Tokyo talks fuelled the UNP administration to submit another set of proposals immediately in July 2003. Therefore it is said that, this piece of proposals by the LTTE, is a response to the UNP proposals submitted to the LTTE in July 2003. The UNP proposals too aimed at granting the LTTE an interim administration to the North East under the LTTE dominance. By reading of the LTTE document the pertinent question that would arise is whether the LTTE document is aimed at an interim administration or something different. Whatever the objectives of the LTTE are, by presenting this document, their views have been openly declared resulting in a nation wide debate. It is argued that the document manifests the aspirations of the LTTE and Tamil Diaspora. It is said to be their third important document released after the Vaddukkoddai resolution and declaration of Thimpu principles. It is significant to note that through this LTTE document they have once again endorsed the elements of the Vaddukkoddai resolution and Thimpu principles in its lengthy preamble. Reformed powers The UNP dilemma does not lie in the document released by the LTTE that manifests their aspirations. It's dilemma lies in the unwillingness to depart from the very constitution they had passed twenty-five years ago. The UNP has not up to now stated that they are against the present constitution or that they want to introduce a new constitution at least with reformed powers attributed to the presidency (like Gamini Dissanayake proposals). It is following a policy of retaining the executive presidency and the presidential system that has been categorically rejected by the LTTE even in their present document. The UNP is not against the presidential system of government but it is only against the incumbent president. Late Mr. Lalith Athulathmudali who started agitating against late President Ranasinghe Premadasa to topple him constitutionally developed this formula. The UNP administration once wanted to introduce the 19th amendment to the constitution in order to reduce the power of the president. The recent gazette notification with regard certain power reduction manipulations, too manifests same rationale of the 19th amendment. The argument that the LTTE proposals exceed paradigms of a federal formula is not tenable because, the LTTE cannot draw proposals as to cover the whole country. They are a regional grouping and their aspiration is based on North East regional politics. Therefore it can be argued that the UNP administration and the president should now come up with a federal solution in which the LTTE regional aspirations could also be incorporated. It is now the prime and foremost duty of the government to come up with a federal proposal. For that to succeed the UNP and the SLFP should sit and work together. Aspirations While accepting the need of administering the day-to-day needs of the North East by people of the North East, it is the duty of the government to come up with a federal solution inclusive of an interim administration. Then the question arises whether the government is ready to distribute power to other regions such as Sabaragamuwa or Ruhuna regions? Who would be head of state in a central government? A nominal president or an executive president? These questions have to be answered immediately because the LTTE has stated in their preamble that they were mindful that the Tamils were not part of the constitutional making process in 1972 and 1978. The LTTE document cannot be termed as a proposal aimed at an interim administration for the north and east provinces. It is a transitional proposal. If implemented as agreed by the UNP administration it could be ended up as a federal state, confederation (with modifications) and remember it could also be ended up as a separate state. The document reflects the LTTE grievances as well as their aspirations for a temporary as well as for a separate state (secession). As the proposals are transitional, if agreed it will lead to an unknown destination. Therefore it needs deep clarifications. If implemented, the intended proposals would inevitably direct to build up an unelected authority that would enhance the tiger dominance. So why do we close the democratic space in the north and east even for five years? If they have recognized in their preamble that the Tamil people mandated them to be the authentic representatives why can't they stand for election openly (may be Provincial or Local elections). The unelected authority will pave the way to strengthen their army, navy and further they will build up an air port during the 5 years where the UNP administration have no control over tiger activities. The LTTE will build up a salaried professional army using the revenue they collect, as there is no policy for decommissioning is mentioned in the so-called 'agreement'. Non-inclusion of other parties in the so-called authority itself is a grave undemocratic, reactionary move. The LTTE's aim in controlling the adjacent seas is also questionable. How do they address the question of minority within the minority? (Namely the Muslims and the Sinhalese in the East) However one cannot expect the LTTE to come up with federal proposals, as they are a regional grouping. It is the prime and foremost duty of the rulers to come forward with a set of proposals to further the dialogue. The history demands the UNP and the SLFP to sit together and draft proposals for an interim as well as for a final federal set up. If not under the CFA or under any interim authority the Tigers will probably build up their army, naval force as well as an air force. Therefore the UNP's appeasement policy has to be evaluated by the UNP leadership itself. What people need is an honourable and lasting peace. If not the peace in the south will be in shambles. The LTTE document lacks an interpretation clause. According to their own preamble Government of Sri Lanka is for them is the UNP administration. They have acknowledged in their document that the GOSL had mentioned in its 2000 election manifesto the recognition of necessity for an interim administration. Is the GOSL an equivalent to the UNP? Isn't that election manifestos are released by political parties and not by governments? (The writer is the Secretary General of the Liberal Party of Sri Lanka) |
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