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| Sunday, 21 March 2004 |
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President CBK lists conditions : UPFA ready to negotiate with LTTE President Chandrika Kumaratunga now in her tenth year at the helm of affairs is leading the United People's Freedom Alliance (UPFA) in the election campaign for the 13th Parliament. She is calling for an unprecedented mandate to rid the country of an oppressive Constitution promulgated without the consent of the people in 1978. In this interview with the Sunday Observer she reiterates her position that a negotiated settlement to the National Question on the basis of equality and justice to all will be a priority when the UPFA forms the Government in early April. Question: If the Freedom Alliance wins the General Elections, does your party intend to commence peace negotiations with the LTTE with conditions or without conditions? If the latter what will be your conditions? Answer: Yes, we have clearly stated that we are ready to commence negotiations early. When Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe withdrew from negotiations, the LTTE has on several occasions stated that they are willing to negotiate with the Government of Sri Lanka, whatever party may be the Government. As for conditions, obviously there will be some conditions - * Respect for Human Rights *Strict adherence to the conditions of the Ceasefire Agreement * Halting of all killings and attacks of all Tamil and Muslim people and others *Also some aspects of the Ceasefire Agreement have to be clarified, as the confused state on which it has been prepared has caused serious problems in some spheres. *One other condition or rather a wish is to immediately commence reconstruction work in the North and East. This is something the LTTE is also very keen about. We have included a separate Chapter on the Development and Reconstruction of the North and East in our Manifesto and also in the Action Plan. Q: Popular opinion has long favoured collaboration between the SLFP and UNP to bring about a solution to the ethnic problem. After the elections, will the Freedom Alliance enter into a sustained collaboration with the UNP in the conduct of negotiations with the LTTE? A: I agree with you that the majority of our people wish to see the UNP and the PA work together with each other in resolving the ethnic problem. I have tried to achieve this from 1995, from the time we first presented our proposals for Constitutional Amendments, in August 1995, and right through until our Government went out of power in 2001. Then again when the UNF came into power, I have tried honestly and most committedly to persuade Mr. Wickremesinghe to agree to a Government of Consensus, for joint action to resolve the ethnic problem. Mr. Wickremesinghe has consistently rejected this. But we cannot let the forward march of our Nation be halted by actions such as this. We will find solutions to the ethnic problem and ways and means of implementing them, with all leaders, politicians and other Sri Lankans who are capable of putting country before self. Q: The United People's Alliance Manifesto's proposal for a Constituent Assembly is much in line with the tradition of creative politics of your mother the late Prime Minister Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike and her United (left) Front Government which used the same method for the first Republican Constitution. However, the failure of the 1972 Constituent Assembly was its inability to retain the participation of the Tamil parties. Is there a danger of repetition of this or will you make the participation of the main Tamil parties as well as the other ethnic parties a minimum requisite for the proposed Constituent Assembly? A: Yes, we have already formally stated that we shall utilize the method of a Constituent Assembly in order to resolve the Constitutional log-jam created by the UNP's 1978 Constitution. You know, the Constitution of a country is the supreme expression of the people's will. The people must necessarily be able to amend or change the Constitution as they require. In Sri Lanka, the 1978 UNP Constitution was brought in without the approval of the people. At no time during the election campaign of 1977, did the UNP inform the people that they intended to amend the existing Constitution, leave alone bring in a new one. So properly speaking, the 1978 Constitution was immorally and improperly brought in and then Mr. J. R. Jayewardene, Mr. Premadasa and Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe and Co. did not stop there. They brought in 16 Amendments to the Constitution in about 09 years. once again without any consultation with the people. Secondly, this Constitution stipulates that it cannot be amended without a 2/3 majority of Parliament on the one hand, and on the other, ensures by the most bizarre electoral system it has brought in, that no political party would ever get anything near a 2/3 majority. Now what do the people do, if a majority of them clearly decides that they want to amend the Constitution? Some sections of the Constitution have bedeviled the life of the Nation for 26 years now. The most important of these are: The provisions that marginalise the minority community of the country. Secondly, the electoral system that engenders so much violence, whilst not giving true and full expression to the democratic will of the voter. This electoral system was designed by J.R. Jayewardene and Co., with the hope of keeping themselves by hook or by crook in power forever. Although that didn't work, thanks to the extreme commitment of our people to democracy and their disgust of bad governance, this system has managed to poison the entire body politic of our country. Therefore, we are seeking a solution to the problem in the form of a Constituent Assembly, in case we do not obtain a 2/3 majority in Parliament. This method has been used by many countries in similar situations. The most famous example is the French Revolution and the New Constitution drafted at that time, through a Constituent Assembly. I'd like to add that the present Constitution requires three approvals for a Constitutional Amendment. *2/3 majority vote in Parliament In case we cannot obtain the first condition then we will adopt the Constituent Assembly method with a simple vote, only because the present Constitution itself in its badly managed state precludes any single party from obtaining 2/3 majority. But we will certainly abide by the other two conditions, the Referendum and going before the Supreme Court. Q: The draft Constitution of 2000 has been hailed as the best proposal so far for a settlement of the conflict. Will this be a starting point for the deliberations of the Constituent Assembly or are we going to start from scratch? A: Yes, I agree with you. I believe that the 1997 draft is even better, but, it had to be watered down at the request of Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe during the 5 month long discussions we had with the UNP. We will put forward these drafts as our main proposals for a negotiated settlement, whilst the LTTE will put forward their proposals. The whole purpose of a discussion is that parties on either side of the table negotiate on their separate views with the objective of arriving at one consensual view. Q: Will not the setting up of a new regional autonomy structure and the abolition of the Executive Presidency be best implemented on the basis of a political consensus or two thirds majority rather than a simple majority? A: Yes, I certainly agree. I think I have sufficiently answered this in my previous answers. Q: The SLFP coalition with the Marxist parties in the 1970s saw an experiment with socialism. Will your tie up with the JVP result in policies that would distort the logic of the market economy? Will this emphasis on social democracy deter the business class? A: Sri Lanka has got in well and truly into the logic of market economy as you call it. We have clearly stated that our economic policy is based on the principles of a free market economy but with a human face. This means that we do not believe in the law of the jungle, that only the strong should survive, but we believe that the Government has to care for the less privileged sectors of our population and that the rich sectors, especially the private sector businesses must actively participate in the process of poverty alleviation and the overall development of the Nation. We are also committed to take in what is best from the free market policies such as efficient economic management, production and productivity and elimination of waste, but this must be married with policies to uplift the under-privileged. Also the entire development process must have as its foundation, the historic, cultural and civilisation ethos of our country and its natural and human resources. All parties of the Freedom Alliance including the JVP, we are all in agreement of this policy. The business class was also warned when the PA came into power in 1994 that it will affect their businesses. What happened? In fact, the opposite. We rendered business more efficient and modern, gave more facilities and reduced corruption hugely. All this benefitted free enterprise, including small and medium local entrepreneurs and not only big local industries. I have now worked with the JVP for 2 1/2 years and I can assure you that there is no need to fear any destructive policies being implemented. The JVP has also become a responsible, mature and democratic organisation. Q: How far will you allow privatisation to go? After the State Banks will it be the schools and the hospitals? A: Who told you that the State banks, the schools and the hospitals will be privatised? We have clearly stated and we have reiterated that in our Manifesto and the Action Plan, that the remaining major institutions of the Government will not be privatised. This includes the Banks, Energy and Power and certainly Schools and Hospitals. I am aware that the UNP is spreading a lot of lies to build up a fear psychosis against the Freedom Alliance. Please do not believe this. Q: The role of the State medias is being hotly debated. Earlier the People's Alliance seemed open to a restructuring of the State media to free them of political party interference. But the Freedom Alliance Manifesto left this out. Is the country going to be stuck with the same old propagandist State media? A: The debate on the role of the State media has been a chequered one. Highly qualified advocates of this during the People's Alliance Government, including the Leader of the Free Media Movement, became the worst perpetrators of biased reporting as soon as the UNP came into power. I have always been committed to a free media. I request you to please compare at least the front pages and the political news from December 2001 until November 2003 when it was with the UNP, and after November 2003 when I took over that Ministry. If one does not blindfold oneself and plug one's ears when doing this, it would be quite apparent who protected the principles of the Free Media Movement and who does not. Q: What is your impression of the talks held so far between the LTTE and the UNF Government? Do you think the Interim Self Governing Authority (ISGA) proposals submitted by the LTTE to create an Interim Administration for the North and the East is a viable solution? A: The Peace Process has its good points such as the Ceasefire, which has now held for 2 years and the relaxation of tensions in the North and East. But while one looks a little further than at the surface, there are issues for serious concern. That is that the Peace Process was conducted in a completely unplanned and unprofessional manner, which led to clearly anything and everything happen in the name of Peace. This has created a situation where the LTTE is militarily very much stronger than at the beginning of the process - in numbers as well as in arms, and also politically, because they have killed a significant number of democratic politicians in the North and East during the Peace Process, whilst, the Sri Lankan Armed Forces were deliberately neglected and demoralised. As for the ISGA proposal, we have already stated that this could be the basis to begin negotiations, whilst, of course the government proposals would also have to be discussed. Q: Some people are criticizing you that you have compromised with those who were responsible for your husband, Vijaya Kumaratunga's assassination. Do you have anything to say? A: Yes, I would like to say something. It is important to ask who are these people? It is quite clearly the UNP candidates who have posted posters to the same effect and now I am told that there are programmes and advertisements done by the UNP over some private Television Stations, on the same thing in a most abusive manner. I would like to suggest to all those who are capable of thinking even slightly impartially to read the report of the Presidential Commission on the Assassination of Vijaya Kumaratunga. This clearly states that the murderers were connected to President Premadasa of the UNP and the JVP. We are aware that President Premadasa worked closely with the JVP in having his political opponents - even in the UNP - assassinated. The report also states that the gun used for killing Vijaya belonged to Mr. Gamini Lokuge, presently the UNP's Tourism Minister. The most crucial evidence was removed when the murderer and his assistant were summarily assassinated by the Sri Lanka Police, while they were in Police custody. Hence, there was not enough evidence to indict the said accused in Courts. I abide strictly by certain principles in my life. But for the sake of the country I have had to associate with, and work with some persons whom I do not have much respect for. For instance,for the sake of this country, I have had to work with the UNP Cabinet, of which Mr. Lokuge is a member and Mr. Wickremesinghe is the Prime Minister, whilst his name too is implicated in the horrendous story of the Batalanda Torture Chamber. I must tell you it required massive abnegation on my part. Now I am called to work with the JVP, but I find this much easier than working with the UNP. The reasons are that, * The JVP has publicly rejected their previous policy of violence. Mr. Wickremesinghe and some of his UNPers have still not. * The present young leaders of the JVP have not, to my knowledge, taken part in that chapter of the JVP history, which was not too pleasant. And in any case, all of you insist that I and whoever may be in Government, talk, come to a compromise and work with the LTTE. Then why not the JVP? Finally I would like to tell you that I have made many sacrifices for the sake of the country since the people called me to lead them. Having to compromise my principles has proved to be the most difficult for me personally. But yet, if it is to pull the country out of the mess it has been put into by the UNF Government, I decided I had to choose the option that would prove more successful in the National interest. |
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