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| Sunday, 29 August 2004 |
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Editor, Sunday Observer. E-mail: [email protected] Snail mail : Sunday Observer, 35, D.R.Wijewardana Mawatha, Colombo, Sri Lanka. Telephone : 94 11 2429239 / 2331181 Fax : 94 11 2429230 The dead Article Article 2.1 of the Ceasefire Agreement between the Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam states: "The Parties shall in accordance with international law abstain from hostile acts against the civilian population, including such acts as torture, intimidation, abduction, extortion and harassment." Unfortunately this Article has been observed more in the breach. During the 30 months that elapsed since the signing of the Agreement, hundreds of civilians have been killed, abducted or harassed by persons alleged to be members of the LTTE. Among those killed are civilian informants of the Army and intelligence officers of the state. Almost all known operatives in the field of intelligence gathering have been eliminated. It was facilitated by the criminal exposure of their names by careerist and opportunist elements in the police led by ASP Kulasiri Udugampola with the connivance of UNF Government leaders. The bulk of the killing was concentrated in the Eastern province, but of late it has spilled over to Colombo too. Several patterns have emerged. One is the elimination of state intelligence officers and informants we already referred to. Another is the systematic elimination of cadres of political organizations rival to the LTTE. Third is the elimination of dissent within the LTTE. The intensity of killings had escalated since the break away of the Karuna faction from the LTTE. This has complicated the picture and made a return to normalcy in the East extremely difficult. The division within the ranks of the LTTE has negative consequences for the struggle of the Tamil people for their national rights. Their internecine struggle not only weakens their relative bargaining strength, it also makes the implementation of the ceasefire more difficult due to the emergence of an armed rebel group outside the scope of the Ceasefire Agreement. While the LTTE should abide by the Agreement and observe Article 2.1 in particular, the state must ensure the safety of its cadres from threats by the rebel faction by strengthening the security in the regions under its control. The Karuna faction has already expressed its desire to join the political mainstream by registering as a political party. However, the bona fides of this intention could be seen only if it desists from violence. The volatile situation in the East also leaves room for interested external parties to manipulate developments to suit their national agendas detriment to the interests of Sri Lanka. Hence, the sooner the undeclared war in the East between rival LTTE factions cease, the better it is for the renewal of the peace process. It is time for extreme restraint. Belligerent statements from both parties could only add fuel to the fire that is still dormant. Concerted attempts should be taken by both parties to prevent the fire from igniting. The international community could do much to bring about such concerted action without getting involved directly in the conflict. Politics of poverty and poverty of politics As South African President Thabo Mbeki has said, global poverty constitutes the deepest and most dangerous structural fault in the present world economy. Though the problem of poverty has been identified, the remedies suggested so far have not worked. In 1996 world leaders agreed to halve global poverty by 2015. Half way through, we are no closer to that goal. According to current trends, this goal is unattainable even by 2030. In spite of giant strides in the production of food, which defied the gloomy predictions of Malthus a century ago, poverty continues to be problem Number One. It is now apparent that the neo-liberal economic policies that were prescribed by international financial agencies and donor countries for poverty alleviation and the politics associated with them have themselves contributed to their intensification. As recent election results in India, Sri Lanka and elsewhere have shown, the poor have reacted vehemently against the politics of these institutions and donors and their local partners. In other words, these results have vividly demonstrated the poverty of politics of poverty alleviation programs conducted hitherto. Though emphasis has been laid on higher technology, it has not reached the peasants of Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asian dry land farmers. Agricultural lending by multilateral agencies and donor countries has recorded a decline in the recent past. In most cases, the lot of the farmers has been neglected in favour of large-scale commercial farming. What is wanted is the implementation of pro-poor policies by governments, especially in the developing world and by multi-lateral agencies. Further, the developing countries should be guaranteed an even playing field in world trade. |
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