Why I am proud to be what I am: A Sinhala Buddhist
It is not fashionable to be identified as a Sinhala-Buddhist in the
current climate where all blame is heaped on them for the north-south
crisis that exploded in devastating proportions in the last decades of
the 20th century. By and large, the pro-Tamil ideologues attribute the
north-south conflict to the failures of the culture and history of the
Sinhala-Buddhists to give what they demanded.
These pro-Tamil ideologues have adopted sometimes simple and
sometimes cheap tactics to denigrate the Sinhala-Buddhists. They have
selectively picked quotes (sometimes a line or two) of Sinhala-Buddhist
leaders to make them look like Tamil haters. They have picked on a lay
or an ordained individual who had dared to revive Buddhism or Sinhala
culture during and after the colonial period. A notable example is
Anagarika Dharmapala whom they have blamed for spearheading nationalism
during the colonial period. Some historically distorted and politically
motivated papers sponsored by NGOs like the ICES led by
notedanti-Sinhala-Buddhist Tamil intellectuals have also focused
derisively on a Buddhist icons like the Kalutara Maha Bodhiya, or Queen
Victoria's park renamed as Vihara Maha Devi Park.
Another target has been the belittling of the pioneering novelist,
Piyadasa Sirisena, who had thematically explored and extolled
traditional values. Some anti-Sinhala-Buddhists extremists in academia
(example. Jayadeva Uyangoda of the Colombo University) have gone to the
extent of attributing sporadic mob violence that exploded in the later
half of the 20th century to the serene paintings in the Buddhist temples
as images that evoked evil in the minds of the devotees, prompting them
to go on the rampage. This bogus theory failed to explain why the
Sinhala Christians too attacked the Tamils in the coastal Catholic belt.
All these have been the standard methodology of the pro-Tamil ideologues
to portray the Sinhala-Buddhists as a demonic force that caused the
north-south crisis.
Before going any further it is necessary to emphasize that this is
not a crisis in which all the Tamil-speaking minorities have ganged up
against the Sinhala-Buddhists, though that is generally the impression
created by the active Tamil propagandists. This crisis originated,
developed and continues to be a conflict exclusively between the Tamils
of the north and the majority Sinhalese of the south. Despite many
attempts to woo the other Tamil-speaking communities by the northern
Tamil leadership, or even to drag the Tamil-speaking Muslims by the
Jaffna Tamil elite the central issues of the crisis are confined mainly
to the contentious and competing claims of the north and the south. The
question that crops up then is: who is to be blamed for the ensuing
violence? Is it the Sinhalese or the Tamils?
Though this may appear to be a vexed, or even a simplistic view, or
even a question that may obstruction future reconciliation the issue of
who is to be blamed for the north-south crisis has had serious ripple
effects flowing backwards and forwards in time. Conventional opinion,
popularized by those rewriting history, has come to the conclusion that
those who were responsible for taking the nation down this track of
violence should be blamed.
This blame-game is seen in the demonizing of the Sinhala-Buddhists as
the primary cause that led to the north-south crisis.
Of course, this judgment in turn determines who should pay the price
for it in order to redeem the guilty past. In the meantime, the crisis
has gathered a violent momentum and turned brutal based primarily on
blaming the party that is supposed to be guilty, though the accused is
yet to be proven guilty by testable evidence. Even the proposed
solutions are based on pressing charges against those who are deemed to
be responsible for the north-south crisis in order to make they pay for
it. Consequently, solutions are worked out on the judgment that it is
the accused, right or wrong, who must pay and not the guilty. And the
accused, of course, are the Sinhala-Buddhists.
The conventional opinion that rules the thinking in most quarters
claims that if the Sinhala-Buddhists had granted the demands of only one
Tamil-speaking community, namely the Jaffna Tamils, at the time they
asked and also kept on conceding their increasing demands, until the
north and the east turns into a mono-ethnic enclave only for the Tamils,
on S, J, V, Chelvanayakam's calculated tactic of 'little now and more
later', this north-south crisis would not have occurred. The naivety of
this conclusion denies not only the complex historical forces behind the
crisis but also the partisan view of those ideologues who have jumped to
the conclusion that only the Jaffna Tamils have rights and not the other
communities dragged into this crisis.
This conclusion assumes that only one community, i.e. Jaffna Tamils,
deserves everything that it demands and that only their 'aspirations'
must be given priority over the "aspirations" of all other communities.
This conclusion also assumes that there is justification only in the
demands made by the north and that the unquestionable duty of all other
communities to sacrifice their interests and aspirations to appease the
mono-ethnic, Jaffna-centric politics. It is as good as saying that a
troubled neighborhood would have had no problems if the locals gave into
the only neighbor who is making excessive and extremist demands that
undermine or threaten the life, liberty and happiness of all the others.
Or, put another way, it as naive as saying that World War II would not
have occurred if Hitler was given all what he wanted.
Nevertheless, it represents the overall assumptions, opinions,
conclusions and judgments of those who do not, or refuse to, see the
other side of the story. The accusatory finger-pointing at the Sinhala-Buddhists
has reached such proportions that, for instance, the cross-bred
left-wingers, foreign-funded NGOlogists, academics aligned to the
foreign-funded NGOs consider it to be a reactionary and a narrow-minded
stance for any human being to be identified with the Sinhala race or
Buddhist religion. These self-appointed moralists fancy themselves to be
the liberated advance guard of intellectuals who sand above the petty
identity politics though their own linear theories, distorted histories,
imported ideologies and carefully selected facts have never looked over
the cadjan fence into Jaffna-centric politics that thrived exclusively
and anti-Sinhala-Buddhist extremism that provided no space for
multi-cultural co-existence. Their full time occupation, paid mainly by
the foreign-funded NGOs, has been to manufacture theoretical excuses to
justify the violence that was inevitable in the peninsular politics.
Entire blame
Putting the entire blame on the Sinhala-Buddhists these ideologues
helped to unleash the Jaffna juggernaut that came rolling down to the
south destroying, as they have done in historical times, the foundations
of tolerant, democratic liberalism in the south. Their mission so far
has been to denigrate the identity of the Sinhala-Buddhists whilst
legitimizing and reinforcing the identities of mainly the Jaffna Tamils,
despite the fact that their identity was fabricated in the forties and
fifties, on concocted history and fictitious geography. The fiction of
discrimination, broadcast widely by the most privileged community in Sri
Lanka, underpinned the Tamil myths. Ms. Radhika Coomaraswamy, the UN
Under-Secretary for Children in War, told a recent BBC program run by
Zena Bedawi, that research has shown that there was no economic
discrimination against the Tamils. V. Anandasangaree, the leader of the
TULF, is on record saying that they had a better deal, even in terms of
political freedom, under "the Sinhala-dominated governments".
But the NGO mytho-maniacs like Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu and Kumar
Rupesinghe push their fancy theories of "majoritarian hegemony" while
the authoritarian hegemony of mono-ethnic extremists, who declared war
in the Vaddukoddai Resolution of 1976, is white-washed as justifiable
reactions of victims with grievances. Every nook and corner of this
planet is plagued with grievances. So does each and every one of them
have a right to take up the gun and spray bullets indiscriminately on
their neighbours simply because they have a grievance? If the argument
is that they have a right to take up the gun on perceived notions of
discrimination why shouldn't the neighbours too defend themselves
against violent men who refuse to talk it out in a civilized manner? The
gun does not belong only to those who cry discrimination. It also
belongs to those who say that there is a difference between perceived
and real grievances and the duty of both parties is to sit down and talk
because jaw-jaw- is always better than war-war.
The time has come, after years of violence, to look back and
recollect and review, not with anger but with sober facts the reasons
why the Sinhala-Buddhist community can hold their head up and be proud
of their heritage and their multi-cultural tolerance that paved the path
for ethnic harmony down the ages.
Mark you, I am writing this knowing that the Sinhala-Buddhists are
guilty of countless political sins. I am writing this knowing that like
any known state the Leviathan is capable of committing monstrosities of
Hobbesian proportions. I am writing this knowing that what the Tamils
call the "Sinhala-dominated governments" have killed more Sinhalese than
all the Tamils killed in mob-rioting or the four Eelam Wars. I am
writing this to express my pride in defending a people whose record
deserves a more balanced and fair assessment in the eyes of the world. I
am writing this to say that I am proud to be a part of the heritage of
my people, despite their human failure to be more exemplary.
* I am proud - profoundly proud - that our pioneering forefathers
opened this land for all migrants to live and share the land as equals.
* I am proud that our Founding Fathers did not come as exploiters and
agents of plundering foreign powers but as fiercely independent pioneers
whose creative powers and energy matched, an even excelled at times, the
achievements of some of their ancient and mediaeval contemporaries.
* I am proud that our ancestors gave the world a new language, new
culture and a new heritage unlike the other migrants who tended to be
imitative settlers basking in the glory of their forefathers abroad.
* I have well-founded reasons to be proud of our people who preserved
the tolerant culture of the Buddha, dhamma and the sangha that taught
generations not only to respect human beings but even the dumb animals.
* Considering the power and the privileges we wielded from time to
time over two millennia I am proud to say, that on any comparative scale
of the history of the liberal states of the West, and within the human
constraints of each phase in history, "the Sinhala-dominated
governments" have not abused their powers to exterminate the "other", or
to go on sprees of ethnic cleansing, or to commit gross violations of
human rights even when the state was threatened by external and internal
violence.
* I am proud that our Sinhala-Buddhist leaders (as opposed to the
mindless mob) did not march in front of pogroms to massacre human beings
simply because they belonged to a different faith, or ethnic group.
* I am proud that our Sinhala-Buddhist leaders did not descend on
pockets of other faiths and massacre them like Sankilli who slaughtered
600 Catholics simply because they owed allegiance to a foreign power,
the Portuguese.
* I am proud that our kings gave security, protection and a haven to
the persecuted Catholics and the Muslims by the invading colonial
powers.
* I am proud that our rulers and leaders did not deliberately target
the sacred sites of the Hindus or other religionists like "the sole
representative of the Tamils" who massacred unarmed pilgrims at the
Sacred Bo-Tree, blasted the Sacred Temple of Tooth in Kandy in a
transparent attempt to provoke the Sinhala masses to rise and revolt
against the Tamils.
* I am proud that there is no record of the Sinhala-dominated
governments' slaughtering Muslims at prayer in the Mosques.
* I am ashamed, of course, that in the last century, under deliberate
provocative acts of the northern Tamils "to needle the lower-level
ethnic leadership of the Sinhalese" (Prof. A. J. Wilson), the mindless
Sinhala mobs went on the rampage and committed acts of unpardonable
violence. I condemn them unreservedly and unhesitatingly.
* At the same time I am proud of the vast majority of Sinhala people
who rushed to the aid of the Tamil victims and gave them protection at
great risk to their own lives.
* I am justly proud of our Sinhala leaders openly offering apologies
to the Tamils for whatever injustices they say was committed though none
of the Tamil leaders have dared to come forward and apologize to the
crimes committed by them against all other communities, most of all to
their own community.
* I am proud that when the destructive tsunami hit the eastern coast
on Boxing Day, 2004, it was the Sinhalese who rushed first - long before
the state or the NGOs began to think about it - with food and aid to
help the Tamil victims of the tsunami.
* I am proud that none of our Sinhala-Buddhist leaders organized
violence, or directed violence, or financed violence, or trained and
urged their youth to kill the innocent "other" or minorities as
exhibited so nakedly by the Jaffna Tamil leadership in the Vaddukoddai
Resolution of 1976.
* I am proud that none of the Sinhala-Buddhist leaders initiated or
adopted resolutions officially declaring war against other communities
like the Jaffna leadership which drafted and passed the Vaddukoddai
Resolution in 1976 endorsing violence against the Sinhalese. Prof. A. J.
Wilson has stated, almost as a matter of pride that his father-in-law,
S. J. V. Chelvanayakam, the father of Tamil separatism, went through
every word of the Vaddukoddai Resolution, before it was ratified by the
entire Tamil leadership at the Tamil United Liberation Front convention
held in his electorate of Vaddukoddai.
* I am proud that none of our Sinhala-Buddhist leaders waged a
ruthless terror campaign against all communities on a systematic basis
for over three decades, starting from the assassination of Alfred
Duraiyappah, by Velupillai Prabhakaran in 1975.
* I am proud that not a single Sinhala-Buddhist political leader had
presided over a regime that tortured and massacred the Tamils as
Velupillai Prabhakaran, the "psychopathic serial killer" (Prof. James
Jupp, of the Australian National University) obsessed with the myth of
being ?the sole representative of the Tamils".
* I am proud that I can raise my head and proclaim that we Sinhala-Buddhist
had never handed over "sole power" to a "psychopathic serial killer" who
has been banned by the international community and is wanted by Indian
and Sri Lankan courts.
* I am proud that we are not depended on the inhuman brutalities of a
"psychopathic serial killer" for our dignity or glory.
* I am proud our record is not bloodied by the politics of physically
eliminating the entire Jaffna Tamil leadership, from Alfred Duraiyappah
to Amirthalingam (et al). Instead I am proud that we gave them the
democratic right, freedom and refuge when they were persecuted by their
"liberators", even though their politics was directed against us.
* I am proud that "the so-called Sinhala-dominated governments" has
not liquidated a crop of intellectuals who had written, spoken and acted
against successive states.
* I am entitled to be justifiably proud that we provided a democratic
framework, the right of dissent and the liberal political space for S.
J. V. Chelvanayakam to direct the Tamil community of Jaffna to
mono-ethnic separatism - a right never granted by the Jaffna political
class to its dissentients.
* I am proud that Chelvanayakam had the best opportunity ever of
becoming a Tamil leader directing his extreme mono-ethnic politics
against the Sinhala majority only in the democratic state of Sri Lanka -
an opportunity he would never have had if he remained in Malaysia and
never migrated to live, learn and practice his legal profession and rise
to the highest levels in what he called the "Sinhala-dominated" nation.
* I am glad that he was given the political freedom to declare war
against the Sinhala people in the Vaddukoddai Resolution approved
personally by him - a freedom that would never have been available to
him in Malaysia .
He would neither have been seen nor heard in Malaysia if he went down
that track of mono-ethnic extremism.
* I am proud that the Sinhala-Buddhist society had not denied the
fundamental rights of all communities to exist wherever they want like
the Jaffna-centric leadership that has consistently refused to recognize
or tolerate any other cultures within the territories they claim to be
their own.
* I am proud that even today the Tamils have the right and the
freedom to live in the democracy of their so-called "Sinhala-dominated"
government and to pursue oppositional politics non-violently.
* I am proud that the Tamils of the north have voted with their feet
to live among the Sinhala-Buddhists, endorsing that they have a better
quality of life, opportunities, freedom and rights denied to them by
their "sole representative".
* I am proud that I belong to a Sinhala-Buddhist society that has
accepted the right of dissent as a living culture.
* I am proud that despite the hate campaigns mounted against the
Sinhala-Buddhists abroad by most Tamil expatriates they still have the
freedom to come and go without being incarcerated or tortured like R.
Jeyadevan, one of the committed LTTE campaigners who had financed and
worked tirelessly to strengthen the military capability of the very
forces that tortured him.
* I am proud that even today the majority of the Tamil expatriates
would opt to settle down and live with the Sinhalese - a community they
never fail to blame or continue to denigrate in the blackest terms -
rather than live in the terror of their "liberated" LTTE control.
* I am proud that the persecuted Muslims of Jaffna - 75,000 of them
who were pillaged and thrown out Jaffna in the only known ethnic
cleansing acts of any political regime in Sri Lanka - were given
protection and their right to take refuge in the "Sinhala-dominated"
areas sharing whatever land there is in common with the Sinhala
community.
* I am proud that no Sinhala-Buddhist leader has been indicted by the
civil society of the world (including the UN) for abducting children
from their parents' arms and forcing them to fight as soldiers in a
needless war in the name of "liberation war" that has debased the image
of the Tamils in the world and enslaved them to the brutal politics of
their "sole representative".
* I am proud that we did not reduce our people to subhuman slaves,
denying them the sunlight because they were born into a low-caste like
the turumbas of Jaffna who were permitted to walk about only in the
night in case they polluted the pure eyes of the vellahlas if sighted.
* I am proud that even the casteism among the Sinhalese did not
oppress and reduce our people to the level of pariahs, like vellahala
Hindus and Christians of Jaffna.
* I am proud that our Buddhist temples were open for all - the high
as well as the low castes - to enter and practice Buddhism without any
hindrance or violence as seen in the history of the high-caste Hindus
who owned the kovils in Jaffna .
* I am proud that the Sinhala Christians and their Churches did not
segregate the low-castes by allocating pews to separate the high-castes
from the low-castes.
* I am proud that the Sinhala Christians have not gone down the
insane path of creating an exclusive theology for the Sinhalese.
* I am sad though that their studied political silence in the face of
a fascist regime persecuting and decimating their fellow-human beings is
almost identical to the consenting silence of their counter-parts who
watched with folded arms the slaughter of innocent Jews in the
heartlands of Christianity in Europe .
* I am proud that we did not establish a fascist authoritarian regime
demanding obedience to a one-man rule and submitting meekly by blaming
the "other".
* I am doubly proud that, so far, we have not embraced such cruel
tyrants as our heroes.
* I am proud that more Tamils live with our people in the south than
with their "liberator" in the north.
* I am proud that Arjuna Ranatunga, who was very conscious of the
fact that Muthiah Muralidharan was the only Tamil in the team, stood up
for him in a daring and dramatic scene watched by millions all over the
world when the biased Australian umpires were attempting to ruin
Murali's career in the very early stage - a career that would have come
to an abrupt end if Arjuna did not stand up for justice and fair play on
that historic day at Adelaide grounds.
* I am proud of Parakarama Bahu VI, the King of Kotte, (1412 -1467)
who erected the sacred Nallur Temple in Jaffna and donated lands for the
construction of Munneswaram Temple .
* I am proud of the sangha who allotted a space to the Hindu Shrines
next to their Budu-ge (the main shrine room preserved for offering
obeisance to Buddha.)
* I am proud of our ancestors who created and nurtured a tolerant
culture that has enabled visitors arriving at the Katunayake Airport and
riding down to Colombo to think, as they pass the numerous Catholic
saints and icons that line either sides of the road, that they are
passing through the main highway of the state of Catholic Rome.
* I am proud that the last defender and ruler of the Jaffna people
was Mudliyar Attapattu of the south who, with his 5,000 men, sacrificed
their lives in defending Jaffna against the ruthless Portuguese.
* I am proud that it was only the Sinhalese who fought consistently
against invaders occupying any part of the island - north, south, east
or west - in defence of their unique heritage, their culture, their
civilization, their language and their religion. No other community has
placed on historical record any such fervour or commitment to fight back
because they had no nation or a heritage that they had built on their
own like the Sinhala-Buddhists. The non-Sinhala migrants were content to
lie back and bask in the glories of their ancestors? heritage left
behind in their respective homelands from which they migrated.
* I am proud that we alone fought to defend our heritage and in doing
so we also, like Mudliyar Attapattu, fought to protect those who came to
share it with us.
* I am proud that one of the biggest Hindu festivals is held annually
in the heart of Colombo with the participation of the Sinhala-Buddhists.
* I am proud that we did not have to concoct a mythical history to
claim exclusive rights to any part of the island which we believe, as
did our ancestors, belongs to all those who want to share it in common
with us.
* I am proud that S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike introduced the Sinhala
Only Bill, recognizing the fact that it is the inalienable right of the
people to communicate with their elected government in their own
language ? a right granted in all democratic (examples: German, French,
English, Russian, Japanese, etc).
* I am also proud that, on the same principle, he introduced the
Tamil Language Special Provisions Act giving all three Tamil-speaking
communities ? the Muslims, the Indian Tamils and the Jaffna Tamils - the
right to conduct their affairs in their own language.
* I am proud that Bandaranaike gave the Tamil public servants the
option of retiring, with full pension rights, if they did not want to
serve the public by learning the languages of the public.
* I am also proud that since it is universally recognized that public
servants can serve efficiently and caringly only if they know the
language of the people they serve, the so-called "Sinhala dominated
government" ensured that the Sinhala public servants too should learn
Tamil with no Sinhala leader going round urging them not to learn to
Tamil.
* I am sad that S. J. V. Chelvanayakam went round the government
kachcheris (centres of government administration set up by the British)
urging Tamil public servants not to learn Sinhala though as public
servants they could function effectively and perform their duties fairly
only if they knew both Sinhala and Tamil.
* I am glad that in a transferable public service, where public
servants had to serve in both Tamil-speaking and in Sinhala-speaking
areas, the public servants were required by law to learn both languages,
thus removing the colonial practice of forcing the public to inter-act
with the government in an alien language.
* I am proud that tutors and time-off were provided by what they call
the "Sinhala-dominated government" for Tamil public servants to learn
the languages of the public.
* I am proud that Bandaranaikes's policy was to dethrone the English
language - one of the main instruments of colonial power since it was
made the official language in 1833.
* I am proud that the dethroning the English language (a language
familiar to only 6% of the population when the colonial masters left in
1948) was a primary means of restoring equality to all citizens - a
principle which even the left-wingers accepted later based on their
Marxist doctrines.
The Marxists realized later that the hostile reaction to the
restoration of the languages of the people was a rearguard action of the
privileged elite in all communities to preserve their colonial and
feudal privileges.
* I am proud that it was meant to redress the grievances of the
non-English-speaking majority of all communities who were deprived of
their right to communicate with their elected government, though the
Westernized ruling elite of all communities - Sinhalese, Tamils,
Burghers, Muslims etc - argued that it was an act aimed at the
Tamil-speaking people. As events proved, it did eventually help the vast
majority of Tamil-speaking and Sinhala-speaking peoples, though it was
interpreted and propagated as an act that favoured only the Sinhala-speaking
people.
* I am proud that Tamil leaders like S. M. Rasamanickam, the
President of the Federal Party, after cooperating with a Sinhala leader,
Dudley Senanayake in the National Government of 1965-1970, declared
publicly under the watchful eye of S. J. V. Chelvanayakam who was the
dynamic force behind the FP: "During the last four years we were able to
gain some rights, if not all of what we expected, through the method of
cooperation". (Prof. A. J. Wilson, S. J. V. Chelvanayakam and Sri Lankan
Tamil Nationalism- p. 111)
* I am proud when I read Prof. Wilson statement that "this period of
Dudley Senanayake's "National Government", 1965 - 1970, marked the
golden years of Sinhala-Tamil reconciliation". (ibid - p.111).
* I am sad that the Tamil leadership consisted only those "who
believed in the use of incremental methods of raising the temperature"
(ibid - p.96) which has resulted today in this blood bath.
* I am proud when living Tamil leaders like V. Anandasangaree, the
president of the TULF, saying that they had freedom of dissent to
protest in Jaffna when Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike came to open the
Jaffna University.
* I am proud when knowledgeable and senior Tamil leaders refer to the
pre-Prabhakaran days when they had the freedom, however ever limited or
flawed it may have been, to dissent without being eliminated, or to vote
without a Stalinist gun being pointed at them at the polling booths.
* I am sad that the Tamil leadership, propelled by the extremist
politics they had nurtured in their northern electorate, did not pursue
non-violently and patiently the opportunities available to them in the
inherently slow democratic processes, despite their loud boast of being
non-violent Gandhians.
* I am sad that the Jaffna Tamil leadership led their people into a
hell created by their own violent policies (example: distributing wooden
pistols at non-violent satyagrahas, says Prof. Wilson).
* I am glad that leaders like Dudley Senanayake and S. W. R. D.
Bandaranaike stood for and showed the way for all communities to
co-exist by reaching out to the Tamils and paving the path for sharing
the land as the common property of all, with respect and dignity to all.
* I am proud that S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike is the only political
leader who had the courage to challenge the all-powerful vellahla caste
in Jaffna with his Prevention of the Social Disabilities Act of 1959 in
which he laid the foundations for the dismantling the ruthless caste
system which ruled Jaffna from the feudal times with an iron fist,
suppressing the rights of nearly 46 per cent of low-caste Jaffna Tamils.
* I am proud of the fact that he had the vision and the courage to
address the historical imbalances left behind by five centuries of
colonialism.
* I am proud that of the 191 flags flying at the UN that our Sri
Lankan flag is the only one that has given the Tamils a dignity and a
place in the international community.
* I am proud that of all the currencies in the world only the
"Sinhala-dominated government" has recognized it as a language that
should be restored to its rightful place.
* I am proud that on stamps, air letters, passports, officials forms
Tamil language has been given a dignified place which no other state has
bothered to recognize, though there are 70 million Tamils spread out in
the Tamil diaspora, including India, their only historical homeland.
* I am proud that all the Tamils who fanned out to various parts of
the globe and are denigrating their Sinhala compatriots with whom they
have shared their lives non-violently as friends, neighbours and
partners down the ages, came out of the free education provided by what
they call, the "Sinhala-dominated governments" and they enjoy the
comforts of their new found land not because they were victims of
discrimination but because they were given equal opportunities to
advance with all the other communities. If they were victims of
discrimination they would not be holding such high positions in the
various professions they shine so proudly.
* I am proud that the "Sinhala-dominated government" has funded and
established two Tamil universities.
* I am sad that they do not have the courage to say that all
communities have suffered under the Sri Lankan states and that the first
community to take up arms against the state was the Sinhala community on
cries of discrimination.
* I am sad that the hatred of their Sinhala compatriots, fired by
their political ambitions and refusal to share the land and its
resources as in the "golden years" experienced in the period of Sinhala-Tamil
cooperation, have clouded their vision and blinded them to the realities
of addressing the aspirations of all communities and not just theirs.
* I am proud that we did not impose a Bhumiputra policy of giving
jobs to the Sinhala-Buddhist first and then handing the leftovers to the
minorities.
* I am proud of the history recorded in the Mahavamsa. I am proud
that the Mahavamsa contains the quintessence of our historical
inheritance, our zeitgeist. It taught me that a culture is created not
to trample our opponents, even if they come to destroy us, but to give
them their due respect. It taught me that even in victory, as seen in
the victory of Dutugemunu over the Elara, our moral duty is to honour
our defeated enemies and never forget to silence the drums as we pass
their tombs.
It is a value that ran in the bloodstream of the Sinhala-Buddhist
culture. This is a lesson I learnt in my childhood from my humble
grandmother when I was a part of the procession led by her, one
mid-morning, carrying alms to monks in Anuradhapura .
She silenced the drums as we passed the bomb of Elara. I will always
be proud to be a part of this heritage.
I wouldn't want to change it for anything else even though its
detractors continue to degrade and rewrite its history as an evil force
- all because one minority community in the north, which was the most
privileged and the most oppressive, was not given all what they
demanded, at the time demanded and at expense of all the other
communities.
* I am proud that the list does not end here and it could go on and
on. But in ending this list here, I salute my people for their heroic
efforts to preserve this humane tradition of respecting all individuals
and communities and sharing our land, our liberalism, our democracy, our
neighborliness, our generosity, our friendship and our resources, with
all others who claim to be our fellow-citizens.
And may our people's efforts to preserve this island as an undivided
multi-ethnic nation, protected by democratic liberalism and pluralism,
with respect for rule of law and human rights, never fail. |