UNP, JVP and Fonseka
The UNP-led UNF and the JVP have
announced a 'common program' to be implemented whichever party among
them wins the next Parliamentary General Election, in the event Sarath
Fonseka is elected President.
Firstly, the so-called commitment of the JVP and UNP myth and
bankrupt Opposition politicians such as Ranil Wickremesinghe, Mangala
Samaraweera, Somawansa Amarasinghe, Rauff Hakeem and Mano Ganeshan could
live in that fantasy until January 26. The masses are rallying around
President Mahinda Rajapaksa to show their gratitude to a true leader who
saved the nation from LTTE terror.
Secondly, the UNP-JVP alliance is a marriage that is heading for a
divorce from the honeymoon night itself. Be it political, social,
economic or otherwise, there are major differences between the two
parties.
The 'common minimum program' of the UNP-JVP is to be launched on
Thursday (7). This is said to be Fonseka's policy document on which he
will base his election campaign under the blessings of the UNP and the
JVP, along with two minority parties of Hakeem and Ganeshan.
The bitter exchanges between the JVP and the UNP goes back to late
70s as the 1977 General election victory of the UNP led to a complete
elimination of Opposition political parties. After JVP's founder leader
Rohana Wijeweera unsuccessfully contested the 1982 Presidential
Election, the Jayewardene regime went on an all out offensive,
proscribing the JVP.
The controversial Indo-Lanka pact signed by the Jayewardene
Government in 1987 influenced the JVP to accelerate their subversive
activities. That forced the JVP back to their 'jungle life'.
It was during the 1987-1989 JVP terror period that people across the
country underwent untold hardships. Similar to their unsuccessful
attempt to capture power in 1970, the JVP once again made a desperate
attempt, not by the ballot but by the bullet. During this black era, the
JVP killed thousands of politicians, religious leaders, business
leaders, media personalities, school principals, teachers and many more
social leaders who did not endorse JVP politics.
The masses have not forgotten how the JVP issued 'death warrants' to
kill those who opposed them. The JVP declared 'unofficial curfews',
disrupting normal day-to-day life. The JVP, which glorifies Fonseka as a
war hero, not only attacked Security Forces but also killed relatives of
soldiers.
Finally, almost all top JVP politburo members were killed by the
Premadasa Government in 1989. The only surviving senior member of that
JVP leadership - Somawansa Amarasinghe, who managed to seek political
asylum, is now leading the JVP to another chapter under Fonseka.
With Fonseka's track record as a 'military man' for four decades, the
JVP's history of taking part in two insurgencies and the UNP's disgraced
killing spree record in the late 80s, people could well imagine where
the county would head if Fonseka captures power.
By any means, Fonseka's track record as the Army Commander during the
battle against LTTE terror is not a qualification to become the First
Citizen. That is not a credential to be a good statesman.
In contrast, President Rajapaksa has a proven track record as a
leader who has given able leadership to the nation. Even during the
State terror against the JVP and disappearances during the UNP regime
under the late President R. Premadasa, it was President Rajapaksa, then
as a senior Parliamentarian, who appeared for the kith and kin of those
who were brutally killed. He led a vigorous campaign against the
killings and disappearances.
Unfortunately, the JVP has now joined hands with the very same party
which fired bullets against them. It was the then UNP Government which
brutally killed JVP's Founder leader Wijeweera and the then General
Secretary Upatissa Gamanayake. Opposition Leader Wickremesinghe was a
senior Cabinet Minister in both the UNP regimes of Jayewardene and
Premadasa.
The UNP leaders now project themselves as the saviours of democracy,
independence of the judiciary and media freedom. But it was the 'just
society' the late President Jayewardene preached, that ruined democracy,
introduced dictatorship, intimidated the judges and killed journalists.
With his collective responsibility as a senior Cabinet Minister,
Wickremesinghe too had been a part of that high drama.
Who maintained the infamous Batalanda torture camp, in which hundreds
of youth were mercilessly killed? Who ordered thugs to pelt stones at
residences of judges to intimidate them? Who killed innocent youth and
their political opponents under the cover of the JVP? People have not
forgotten the bitter truth. They would never ever leave room for JVP or
UNP, the two parties which have a history of killing sprees, to form a
joint Government.
According to Fonseka himself, he has come forward to contest the
Presidential Election against an injustice he claims to have taken place
during his six-month period as the Chief of Defence Staff. In other
words, he has come to take revenge for a personal matter and not for the
broader interests of the people or country. In case such a person
captures power, he will go all out to take not only revenge from
relevant parties, but would also make use of the executive powers to
silence his opponents.
What is the guarantee that the UNP or JVP could give to their
supporters that Fonseka would give up his executive powers and abolish
the Executive Presidency in case he gets elected? Through his acts and
contradicting statements, Fonseka has already hinted on what is in
store.
Having led his campaign with a pledge to abolish the Executive
Presidency, Fonseka later takes a 'U' turn to say that he is not ready
to be a mere ceremonial President such as the late William Gopallawa,
who was the non-Executive President before the late Jayewardene
introduced the Executive Presidency under the 1978 Constitution.
Then, Wickremesinghe, at the same UNF platform says he would become
Executive Prime Minister if Fonseka wins. One could well imagine the
double game these opportunists are attempting to play. |