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Sunday, 3 January 2010

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UNP, JVP and Fonseka

The UNP-led UNF and the JVP have announced a 'common program' to be implemented whichever party among them wins the next Parliamentary General Election, in the event Sarath Fonseka is elected President.

Firstly, the so-called commitment of the JVP and UNP myth and bankrupt Opposition politicians such as Ranil Wickremesinghe, Mangala Samaraweera, Somawansa Amarasinghe, Rauff Hakeem and Mano Ganeshan could live in that fantasy until January 26. The masses are rallying around President Mahinda Rajapaksa to show their gratitude to a true leader who saved the nation from LTTE terror.

Secondly, the UNP-JVP alliance is a marriage that is heading for a divorce from the honeymoon night itself. Be it political, social, economic or otherwise, there are major differences between the two parties.

The 'common minimum program' of the UNP-JVP is to be launched on Thursday (7). This is said to be Fonseka's policy document on which he will base his election campaign under the blessings of the UNP and the JVP, along with two minority parties of Hakeem and Ganeshan.

The bitter exchanges between the JVP and the UNP goes back to late 70s as the 1977 General election victory of the UNP led to a complete elimination of Opposition political parties. After JVP's founder leader Rohana Wijeweera unsuccessfully contested the 1982 Presidential Election, the Jayewardene regime went on an all out offensive, proscribing the JVP.

The controversial Indo-Lanka pact signed by the Jayewardene Government in 1987 influenced the JVP to accelerate their subversive activities. That forced the JVP back to their 'jungle life'.

It was during the 1987-1989 JVP terror period that people across the country underwent untold hardships. Similar to their unsuccessful attempt to capture power in 1970, the JVP once again made a desperate attempt, not by the ballot but by the bullet. During this black era, the JVP killed thousands of politicians, religious leaders, business leaders, media personalities, school principals, teachers and many more social leaders who did not endorse JVP politics.

The masses have not forgotten how the JVP issued 'death warrants' to kill those who opposed them. The JVP declared 'unofficial curfews', disrupting normal day-to-day life. The JVP, which glorifies Fonseka as a war hero, not only attacked Security Forces but also killed relatives of soldiers.

Finally, almost all top JVP politburo members were killed by the Premadasa Government in 1989. The only surviving senior member of that JVP leadership - Somawansa Amarasinghe, who managed to seek political asylum, is now leading the JVP to another chapter under Fonseka.

With Fonseka's track record as a 'military man' for four decades, the JVP's history of taking part in two insurgencies and the UNP's disgraced killing spree record in the late 80s, people could well imagine where the county would head if Fonseka captures power.

By any means, Fonseka's track record as the Army Commander during the battle against LTTE terror is not a qualification to become the First Citizen. That is not a credential to be a good statesman.

In contrast, President Rajapaksa has a proven track record as a leader who has given able leadership to the nation. Even during the State terror against the JVP and disappearances during the UNP regime under the late President R. Premadasa, it was President Rajapaksa, then as a senior Parliamentarian, who appeared for the kith and kin of those who were brutally killed. He led a vigorous campaign against the killings and disappearances.

Unfortunately, the JVP has now joined hands with the very same party which fired bullets against them. It was the then UNP Government which brutally killed JVP's Founder leader Wijeweera and the then General Secretary Upatissa Gamanayake. Opposition Leader Wickremesinghe was a senior Cabinet Minister in both the UNP regimes of Jayewardene and Premadasa.

The UNP leaders now project themselves as the saviours of democracy, independence of the judiciary and media freedom. But it was the 'just society' the late President Jayewardene preached, that ruined democracy, introduced dictatorship, intimidated the judges and killed journalists. With his collective responsibility as a senior Cabinet Minister, Wickremesinghe too had been a part of that high drama.

Who maintained the infamous Batalanda torture camp, in which hundreds of youth were mercilessly killed? Who ordered thugs to pelt stones at residences of judges to intimidate them? Who killed innocent youth and their political opponents under the cover of the JVP? People have not forgotten the bitter truth. They would never ever leave room for JVP or UNP, the two parties which have a history of killing sprees, to form a joint Government.

According to Fonseka himself, he has come forward to contest the Presidential Election against an injustice he claims to have taken place during his six-month period as the Chief of Defence Staff. In other words, he has come to take revenge for a personal matter and not for the broader interests of the people or country. In case such a person captures power, he will go all out to take not only revenge from relevant parties, but would also make use of the executive powers to silence his opponents.

What is the guarantee that the UNP or JVP could give to their supporters that Fonseka would give up his executive powers and abolish the Executive Presidency in case he gets elected? Through his acts and contradicting statements, Fonseka has already hinted on what is in store.

Having led his campaign with a pledge to abolish the Executive Presidency, Fonseka later takes a 'U' turn to say that he is not ready to be a mere ceremonial President such as the late William Gopallawa, who was the non-Executive President before the late Jayewardene introduced the Executive Presidency under the 1978 Constitution.

Then, Wickremesinghe, at the same UNF platform says he would become Executive Prime Minister if Fonseka wins. One could well imagine the double game these opportunists are attempting to play.

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