Emerging clues of Thajudeen, Lasantha killings:
UNF plans a grand ‘national Govt’
Sunday Politics with Rasika Jayakody
Wasim Thajudeen, a prominent rugby player, who is believed to have
been assassinated, has begun to haunt former President Mahinda
Rajapaksa’s election campaign. Although Rajapaksa or his family members
have not been mentioned as suspects in the case so far, fingers have
already been directed at the previous regime over the murder of the
rugby player. It is crystal clear that the Police, which was an
emasculated body under Rajapaksa’s watch, painted a wrong picture at the
time of Thajudeen’s death three years ago.
It does not require Einstein’s wisdom to understand that such
distortions by the Police do not happen without political interference.
The death was brushed under the carpet by merely calling it an
‘accident’. Although Thajudeen’s wallet was found nearly 1.5 km away
from the place where he was found dead, Police turned a blind eye to
that vital piece of evidence. After that, the incident was reduced to
mere subject of gossip in Colombo’s dinner circuit.
In a startling turn of events, Thajudeen’s death re-surfaced when the
Criminal Investigations Department decided to launch a fresh
investigation into the case in February, this year, after the new
government’s ascension to power. The investigations were carried out by
the Criminal Investigations Department without any political pressure
and after a few months, the teams handling the investigation concluded
that it was a murder and that the rugby player had been brutally
tortured prior to his tragic death.
Siriliya Saviya jeep used to abduct Thajudeen?
Court has already permitted the Police to exhume the rugby player’s
body and it will be done tomorrow (10) in the presence of a panel of
Judicial Medical Officers, including the Chief JMO of Colombo Ajith
Tennakoon and forensic experts including Dr. H. D. N. Hewage and Dr.
Jeeva Perera. Police are of the strong belief that exhumation of
Thajudeen’s body would give concrete evidence to find the perpetrators
who committed this murder most foul.
Meanwhile, Police launched another inquiry to ascertain whether a
jeep belonging to the Siriliya Saviya Foundation had been used to abduct
Thajudeen before the murder. The vehicle, police sources said, had been
handed over to the Foundation by a non-governmental organization
operating in Colombo. However, the CID is yet to make an official
statement before the court in this regard. The Siriliya Saviya
Foundation made headlines over the past few weeks as its chairperson,
former First Lady Shiranthi Rajapaksa’s was under investigation over an
apparently ‘false’ ID card number.
Thajudeen’s murder has already sent ripples across political circles.
JVP Leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake was the first to fire cannons at the
former first family over the murder. Addressing an election meeting last
week, Dissanayake said the sons of former President Rajapaksa are linked
to the controversy surrounding the rugby player’s murder. He demanded
the Police to take swift action to take the culprits before the court of
law.
In addition to Dissanayake, several key UNP candidates, who addressed
elections meetings over the past few days, were quite vociferous about
Thajudeen’s murder.
Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, after he launched his campaign
for the Parliamentary election, was careful enough to swiftly respond to
any allegation that came his way. But, when it came to Thajudeen’s
murder he has maintained a stony silence. He never uttered a word about
allegations levelled against his family members when he addressed
election meetings over the past few days. The only member of the
Rajapaksa family who made a statement responding to allegations levelled
against the Rajapaksa family was UPFA Hambanthota District candidate
Namal Rajapaksa.
During an interview with BBC Sandeshaya on Friday, Rajapaksa
vehemently denied allegations over Thajudeen’s murder saying he was a
family friend and a ‘brother’.
Thajudeen’s death ‘merely an accident’
Meanwhile, a seemingly pro-Rajapaksa website (mahinda.info) operated
by a group of associates of the former President published a story
distancing the Rajapaksas from Thajudeen’s murder. Citing initial police
reports, it said Thajudeen’s death was an accident and his car crash on
to a wall near the Shalika Grounds, Colombo 5.
Quoting from Yasara Abeynaike’s interview with website Asian Mirror
in 2014, the report said she had no connection whatsoever with Thajudeen
and the story was spread by some websites as part of a hate-campaign
against the former President and his family.
However, the report makes no reference to certain revelations made by
the CID before the Colombo Magistrate on the manner in which Thajudeen
was brutally tortured to death. All the evidence unearthed so far points
to murder.
Therefore, the report appearing in the pro- Rajapaksa website seems
like an attempt to defend the former first family in the face of serious
allegations.
However, the person who jumped the gun was ex-Parliamentarian and
UPFA national list candidate Dilan Perera, who addressed a press
briefing in Colombo on Friday. In an interesting turn of events, Perera
said exhumation of Thajudeen’s remains was ‘haram’ (an Islamic
injunction) and claimed that his family did not want such a process! It
was quite clear that Perera was trying to exploit the religious
affiliation of Thajudeen’s family to block the path of investigations.
The question is: why does MR ally Dilan Perera want to raise a
question about the ‘morality’ of the exhumation? It was common knowledge
that Police wanted to exhume Thajudeen’s as part of the ongoing
investigation into his death.
As long as the UPFA stalwarts try to portray it as a mere accident
without supporting ongoing investigations, suspicions will inevitably be
directed at the former first family. It is now becoming clear that with
friends like Dilan Perera, the Rajapaksas may not need any “enemies”
when it comes to crucial matters of this nature.
DIG Anura Senanayake’s role
Another key stakeholder of the controversy over Thajudeen’s death is
retired senior DIG Anura Senanayake who headed investigations into the
case in May, 2012. Senanayake was widely known as a close associate of
former Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa and he came under severe
criticism from the country’s opposition for his ‘questionable role’ in
the Police Department. Police sources told the Sunday Observer that
Senanayake, who retired from service early this year, is likely to be
questioned in connection with the murder.
Although the former President has kept mum over Wasim Thajudeen’s
murder, last week he challenged the government to conduct inquiries into
the murder of Lasantha Wickramatunge and disappearance of Prageeth
Eknaligoda. He asked whether the government was reluctant to conduct
inquiries into these cases as the “culprits” had aligned themselves with
the new government.
Eknaligoda’s disappearance and the former Sunday Leader Editor’s
assassination were key topics among opposition’s campaigners over the
past five years and Rajapaksa’s challenge to the law enforcement
authorities in this regard seemed ironic.
Two top Army officers involved?
A few hours after the former President’s statement, it was revealed
that Police had taken into custody two intelligence unit members over
Prageeth Eknaligoda’s disappearance. The two members were previously
affiliated with former Minister Vinayagamoorthi Muralitharan alias
Karuna Amman who was the head of the LTTE military wing in the East.
They had joined the Army following Karuna Amman’s defection from the
LTTE.
Preliminary investigations have revealed that Eknaligoda had been
abducted in Rajagiriya on January 24, 2010, two days before the
Presidential election.“We have received information that he had been
handed over to an Army camp in the North Central Province following the
abduction,” Defence sources told the Sunday Observer.
Based on the revelations made by these two intelligence unit members,
two senior Army officers are also likely to be questioned within the
next few days in connection with the disappearance of Eknaligoda. The
officers, to be questioned, were attached to an Army camp in the North
Central Province during the time of the abduction.
Police investigations are also underway to ascertain the ‘authority’
who gave orders to abduct Eknaligoda. Police sources, commenting on the
matter said, inquiries were moving in the direction of an influential
official who played a crucial role in the country’s defence
establishment over the past 10 years.
Meanwhile, another Tamil officer attached to the intelligence unit
was to be taken into custody by the CID yesterday. But, the officers
handling investigations found out that the intelligence unit member had
gone missing since last night.
However, all these investigations have surfaced at a crucial time as
the Parliamentary election is just eight days away. One has every reason
to believe that revelations made by investigators have a debilitating
impact on the UPFA campaign as disappearances and white van abductions
were considered as ‘trademarks’ of the Rajapaksa regime.
National government formation
Both major political camps conducted surveys last week on the ground
situation with regard to Parliamentary election. In addition to the main
political camps, several independent groups and political activists have
also conducted surveys and opinion polls on the possible outcome of the
election which has been dubbed by many as a ‘close race’.
However, all opinion polls and surveys indicated that the UNP-led
alliance will secure the biggest share in Parliament. Most of the
independent opinion polls said the UNP-led alliance would secure around
105 seats in the new Parliament. However, internal surveys conducted by
the party showed that the UNP would be able to obtain 115 seats,
securing an absolute majority in Parliament.
However, irrespective of the outcome of the election, a section of
the UPFA MPs are ready to extend their support to President Maithripala
Sirisena to form a national government with the UNP-led alliance.
A strong indication in this regard came after the UPFA’s inaugural
rally in Anuradhapura, chaired by former President Mahinda Rajapaksa.
Over 25 ex-UPFA MPs, who were singing hosannas for the Rajapaksas
visited Duminda Dissanayake’s house for dinner. Dissanayake was the only
candidate who boycotted the rally in Anuradhapura in protest over the
naming of Rajapaksa as a candidate at the election.
The UNP believes that it can form a government with ease if the party
manages to get 105 seats. Pre-election surveys have already confirmed
that it is not a daunting task.
Meanwhile, the UNP has already made plans to draw the support of the
JVP and the TNA for the new government. It comes with the Prime
Minister’s proposal to convert the entire legislature into a government
through a Parliamentary committee system. It was similar to the system
introduced by the Donoughmore Commission in 1931. The opposition parties
who are not inclined to join the government will be given
responsibilities to chair Parliamentary committees looking into key
sectors of the country’s economy and administration.
By giving them important roles concerning the country’s
administration, they will be encouraged to work hand in hand with the
government. This approach, needless to say, will further diminish
Rajapaksa’s hopes of coming to power after August 17.
Commenting on the matter, UNP’s Chairman Malik Samarawickrama said
every political party would be invited to join a national government
after the election, regardless of political differences. He said the
plan would remain unchanged even if the UNP secured an absolute majority
in the House.
“There was a necessity to re-introduce the system as we identified
the need of working together – irrespective of political differences –
to strengthen the economy. This is the best opportunity to overcome our
challenges on the economic front and the new system will present the
ideal platform for collaboration. Our duty is to invite all political
parties to form a bational government after the election. But, the final
decision will be theirs,” Samarawickrama explained.
Enter CBK
Former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, a patron of the
SLFP, dropped a bombshell last week by making a statement on the
forthcoming election and the future of the country. In her statement,
the former President made her views very clear by stating that all SLFP
members should protect the “January 8 revolution” and the party’s core
principles.
In her statement, she also explained why the SLFP supporters should
defeat members of the Rajapaksa family and their allies at the
Parliamentary election on August 17.
Kumaratunga’s statement was very much in line with the statement made
by President Maithripala Sirisena on July 14. It is now quite evident
and Kunaratunga and President Sirisena, two key figures of the ‘January
8 revolution’, are more or less on the same page about defeating the
Rajapaksa faction.
While reiterating her commitment to the SLFP, the former President
also stressed the need of protecting “respectable” candidates fielded by
the party to contest the Parliamentary election. She said the influence
of the Rajapaksa faction had created a lot of disappointment among
respectable candidates of the party, who are engaged in a tough battle
at the current election.
It is naïve to believe that former President Kumaratunga’s statement
would change the minds of “die-hard” Rajapaksa fans. But, her statement
came as a serious disappointment for those who “temporarily” aligned
themselves with the Rajapaksa camp, targeting the Parliamentary
election. Their disappointment was reflected in the counter-statement
issued by SLFP National Organizer Janaka Bandara Tennakoon saying former
President Kumaratunga had become the ‘media spokesperson’ of the UNP.
Following are the most salient points of Kumaratunga’s statement in
which she strongly criticized her successor and expressed her views on
the plight of her own party:
“Mahinda Rajapaksa entered the elections armed with state power,
state resources, the armed forces, the police, the public service and
the state media. He misused all public institutions for his election
campaign. He used religion for his advantage and unleashed racism. When
a country is being governed by a leader who is determined to remain in
power forever, that the country is destined for isolation. It is a
dangerous condition and it would have totally darkened the future of the
country.
Therefore, it is the absolute responsibility of all citizens who
truly love their dear country to keep aside all differences and protect
the victory achieved on January 8, with numerous sacrifices.
Amidst the objection of the majority of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party
members, I handed over the party and the government to Mahinda Rajapaksa
with a certain faith. But it was most unexpected when Mahinda Rajapaksa,
acquiring the power, betrayed democratic governance and entirely
destroyed the noble vision of our party, senselessly abandoning all its
progressive qualities and moved towards an autocratic path. I observed
with so much regret the way in which our party was subjected to
decadence.
In such a situation, I decided to join the forces that were willing
to commit themselves to reclaim democracy and good governance in our
country, which had become a playground of one family and its henchmen,
misusing state power and the state resources. We worked together to
build the foundation for a new political culture based on the
participation and agreement of all parties against confrontational
politics.
Our ultimate ambition was to establish a national government and
rebuild the nation under essential political reforms. It was also to
reorganize the Sri Lanka Freedom Party. With the victory achieved on
January 8, all citizens were fortunate to enjoy good governance. But it
is unfortunate that the loser is once again shamelessly scheming for a
counter-revolution. He is trying to interfere with the political reforms
and obstruct the country’s future with the help of some of the leaders
of our party and the United People’s Freedom Alliance. He began to
violate good governance with various threats. It is to be accepted that
amidst that entire unpleasant, unethical practices, the new government
was able to achieve some significant victories for the betterment of the
general public.
Investigations have been commenced and are now proceeding amidst
challenges to find offenders of the corrupt deals of the former
government. Controlling drug and ethanol trafficking and abolition of
the culture of killing opponents cannot also be minutely considered.
While the pathways are cleared for public friendly good governance, the
Rajapaksa henchmen in the parliament conspired and interrupted the noble
tasks of the government.
The parliament had to be dissolved amidst the endless conspiracies of
the loser. It ultimately turned out into a most unexpected and
complicated situation.
I understand that this situation might have created a shock among the
abiding citizens of our country. It is challenging for the respectable
candidates of the party that the person who was defeated by the majority
of citizens of the country and his fellow criminals are once again
trying to come back to power. Today I am bewildered that some senior
members of the party have no intention to properly reorganize the Sri
Lanka Freedom Party. I am absolutely bewildered at their decadence.
However, at this critical instance I would like to explain my stand
to all patriotic followers of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party. The dilemma
we are facing at this instance, is deciding whose side we would take.
Whether to stand with the reactionary group who would once again destroy
the noble policies of the party and the country or whether to stand with
the group that is committed for the victory of the nation, who has the
relevant vision and commitment to do so.
After considering this deeply, my conclusion is that in order to
protect the party first we must protect the country.
I appeal to all the followers of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party to join
the forces that has the ability and commitment to protect the victory
achieved on the 8th of January, to keep aside all differences and commit
towards creating a new political culture with the participation and
agreement of all parties, against confrontational politics.
I strongly believe that it is essential to defeat the vicious forces
that terrorize the society with false illusions for the greed of power.” |