PM rejects MP pay hike :

Names, evidence, crop up in Thajudeen death probe
 

‘Captain Tissa’, a chauffeur of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, was not an unknown figure to the upper rungs of the previous government because of the strong link he had with the former first family.

When ‘Captain Tissa’ constructed a house near Medawelikada Road, Rajagiriya, some years ago, the former President, along with some ministers of his government, visited his place to attend a family function. It demonstrated that ‘Captain Tissa’ had a position of authority under the previous government due to his close association with certain top echelons of that regime.

According to sources in the former President’s camp, ‘Captain Tissa’ hails from a remote village in Laggala, Matalé. His father had worked as a driver attached to the Ministry of Irrigation. ‘Captain Tissa’ had first worked as a driver under Monty Gopallawa, former MP for the Laggala electorate. Gopallawa had a close relationship with former President Rajapaksa who later hired Tissa to work under him.

Captain Tissa’s name has been linked to deaths of Inter-University Students Front (IUSF) activists Janaka Bandara and Sisitha Priyankara. Here a protest by undergrads. Pic: Courtesy dbsjeyaraj.com

It is still not entirely clear as to how the driver joined the Army and won his officer cap. It is widely believed that ‘Tissa’ joined the Army as a trooper and was elevated to the rank of Captain after Rajapaksa became the President. There were rumours that Tissa the trooper left the Army at one point and was re-instated with officer ranking after the former President came to power.

Whatever his military origins, ‘Captain Tissa’ became a long-standing member of the security detail of the former President. During the last few years of the Rajapaksa rule, he was often seen with Parliamentarian Namal Rajapaksa and Lieutenant Yoshitha Rajapaksa, two sons of the former President. Even after the former President and his family fell out of power in January, this year, ‘Captain Tissa’ chose to remain with the Rajapaksas.

‘Captain Tissa’ linked?

Nearly 10 months after the Criminal Investigations Department (CID) launched investigations into rugby player Wasim Thajudeen’s mystery death, Captain Tissa’s name has now surfaced in connection with that incident.

After launching investigations, the CID entrusted one of its specialist units, the Homicide Unit, with the task of unraveling the mystery surrounding Thajudeen’s death. Although there were rumours at the outset that ‘Captain Tissa’ was linked to the rugby player’s incident, the investigators did not have solid evidence to substantiate the claims.

The Homicide Unit, at the initial stage, recorded statements from various parties about the incident and its background. Nearly 30 people, who were present at the scene of the alleged car ‘accident’ immediately after the incident, gave statements to the Police. They had interesting information to share with the investigators.

Eye-witnesses

Several people said they saw two Land Rover Defenders near Thajudeen’s vehicle immediately after it caught fire. One eye-witness said some people who came in a Defender prevented people on the street from approaching Thajudeen’s vehicle, warning that it could explode at any moment. If that witness statement was anything to go by, that meant those who came in one of the Defenders had prevented people in the area from making a last ditch effort to save the rugby player’s life.

Meanwhile, on the same night, a middle-aged woman who resides near Shalika Ground, Narahenpita, was expecting a phone call from her son living overseas. The woman heard a strange noise and when she checked she saw a vehicle going up in flames. She also saw the two Defenders and a few people gathered around the vehicle.

It did not take a long time for the CID to find out that one of the close associates of former President Rajapaksa was also at the scene of the alleged accident, just minutes after the incident happened. Then the Police showed photographs of these associate of the former President to the eye-witnesses. That was how ‘Captain Tissa’ was identified as a key figure concerning the Thajudeen investigation.

It was widely reported in the recent past that the CID had identified some ex-PSD members as possible suspects of the Thajudeen investigation. Highly placed sources at Police Headquarters told Sunday Observer that the CID was also investigating whether there was an “underworld link behind the murder”.

“We need to take all possibilities into consideration. There is some evidence to believe that the possible suspects carried out the murder with the assistance of some underworld elements. We are in the process of gathering concrete evidence and we don’t need to jump to conclusions,” a top Police source told the Sunday Observer on Friday.

As revealed in this column last week, the CCTV footage obtained by the Police showed a vehicle similar to Thajudeen’s being chased by some vehicles. Although Thajudeen attempted to avoid his pursuers, all his escape routes were blocked.

There were strong indications that Thajudeen was aware of the threat to his life on that fateful night in May, 2012.

That was one reason why Thajudeen’s phone records were of great importance to the CID.

Dialog Axiata helps

It has now been learnt that Dialog Axiata PLC has last week submitted the comprehensive details pertaining to the information that the Attorney General had requested. The Colombo Additional Magistrate had instructed the mobile service provider to hand over the telephone records of the dead rugby player to the investigators.

The details the CID required with regard to the investigation were of highly technical nature and therefore the company had needed time to provide them. That was why the company had taken what seemed to be an unusually long time to hand over the records. Sources from the company explained there was no ‘unusual’ delay on the part of the company and that it followed due process when disclosing phone records.

Many assumed that obtaining the telephone records of Thajudeen was a matter of retrieving basic details such as call log information.

The details the CID required involved highly technical information such as the locations of transmission towers both from where calls originated and were received. Retrieving such information had to be done through a highly complicated process.

Dialog Axiata deployed several teams to attend to this matter and the entire exercise involved a considerable cost. Last week, the CID informed the Colombo Additional Magistrate that it was satisfied with the cooperation extended by Dialog and its management.

According to top Police sources, possible suspects in the case could be arrested, at any moment. “As the Magistrate has instructed the CID to proceed with the investigation, there is no need to wait for the verdict of the magisterial inquiry,” a senior officer of the Department said adding that the CID was keeping a close eye on possible suspects.

Student deaths

Several news websites operating from overseas have also made allegations about the conduct of ‘Captain Tissa’ in 2012 when the Rajapaksas were still in power.

They linked Tissa’s name to two other crimes including the deaths of Janaka Bandara and Sisitha Priyankara, two undergraduates who died on September 27, 2012, at the height of a massive union action launched by the Federation of University Teachers Association (FUTA). Janaka and Sisitha were activists of the IUSF which fully backed the union action by university teachers.

Although the Police at the time claimed their death was an ‘accident’ many sections raised doubts about the incident saying it could be an ‘organized’ accident.

However, the law enforcement authorities were not in a position to conduct a fair inquiry into the incident while the former President was in power and therefore they could not verify the allegations leveled by those news websites.

“The two students were activists of the IUSF. There are reasons and evidence to believe that they were murdered to sabotage the trade union action launched by the university sector.

We can’t allow the investigations to be swept under the carpet. The murderers must be revealed and there must be justice for the deaths,” Najith Indika, former Convener of the IUSFF, said, commenting on the incident.

Assault on Manjula Thilakaratne

The other incident to which they linked ‘Captain Tissa’s’ name was the assault on Manjula Thilakaratne, former Secretary of the Judicial Service Commission (JSC).

Thilakaratne was attacked by four unidentified men on October 7, 2012, around 8.30 am along Hotel Road outside S. Thomas’ College, Mt. Lavinia.

Thilakaratne was waiting for his wife and son to return from S. Thomas’ College after attending a school function.

The former JSC Secretary was reading the paper when the attackers came in a vehicle and assaulted him. According to Thilakaratne, four people had come in a vehicle and had dragged him out of his vehicle saying ‘Are you the one?’ and had assaulted him.

Under the Rajapaksa rule, the Police were not able to launch a proper investigation into this incident as well. Although a Police complaint was lodged, they could not arrest any suspects. The incident took place in the run up to the flawed impeachment process against former Chief Justice Shirani Bandaranayake who was ousted from her position in January, 2013.

Lasantha’s notebook

After the new government came to power in January, many parties, including international organizations, requested the government to launch a fresh probe into the murder of former Sunday Leader Editor Lasantha Wickrematunga. Although the famous journalist was killed in the vicinity of a high security zone, no serious action was taken by the previous government to apprehend the culprits, giving strong indications that the killers were protected by an influential political arm.

In a new twist to the Lasantha saga, former IGP Jayantha Wickremaratne, who headed the Police at the time Wickrematunga was killed, was questioned by the CID last week in connection with the incident. It was a sign that the government and its law enforcement authorities were quite serious about conducting an independent probe into the journalist’s killing.

Apparently, the former IGP was questioned about Lasantha Wickrematunga’s note book which was taken into Police custody immediately after his death.

On the day Wickrematunga was killed, he was followed by a group of unidentified people riding motorbikes. It was widely reported that the world renowned investigative journalist, when he realized that he was being followed in a suspicious manner, hurriedly telephoned some friends about this seemingly imminent danger.

One call recipient was a senior official of the UNP who now holds a ministerial portfolio. He had instructed Wickrematunga to write down the numbers of the motorbikes coming after him.

While holding the steering wheel with his right hand, Lasantha opened his notebook and scribbled the numbers of the motorbikes with his left hand. Immediately after the journalist was killed, the notebook was found in his vehicle and it was taken into Police custody.

Wickrematunga’s notebook, investigators hope, will be a turning point in the probe into his assassination. It was later learnt that the OIC of the Mount Lavinia Police kept the notebook initially and he then handed it over to his superior officers. The CID also received information that the notebook had come into the possession of former IGP Jayantha Wickramaratne, who had earlier also been the Police Media Spokesman.

After some time, Wickrematunga’s notebook, which contained highly important evidence related to his murder, disappeared in a mysterious manner. That was one reason why the CID decided to question the former IGP in connection with the killing.

Prasanna Nananaykara, a Senior DIG at the time of the Wickrematunga murder and former Mount Lavinia SSP Hemantha Adikari have also been questioned by the CID, along with the former IGP.

Police sources also added that the CID would obtain advice from the Attorney General to question Army intelligence officer Kandegedera Piyawansa, who was arrested for the murder.

Ekneligoda abduction

While the CID made important progress in the mystery surrounding the late Sunday Leader Editor’s murder, another important development took place with regard to the inquiry into the disappearance of journalist and popular blogger Prageeth Ekneligoda.

After initial investigations into the case, the CID arrested a number of former Army intelligence wing officers over the disappearance of journalist Ekneligoda.

The CID found strong evidence to suggest that the journalist was abducted in Rajagiriya and taken to the Girithalé Army camp.

Former LTTE militants who defected from the organization with Karuna Amman and became informants of the Sri Lankan Army also stayed at that somewhat remote Army camp which is located close to jungle areas.

The CID has received information that Ekneligoda was detained at the camp for a few days and severely tortured. He had been questioned about his alleged links with former Army Commander Sarath Fonseka, who was then the common presidential candidate of the Opposition. The CID believes that the journalist was then taken to a remote location and killed without leaving any trace.

The majority of intelligence wing members who were arrested over the murder were ex-LTTE militants who were informants working for the Army.

The investigations now indicate that they may have also functioned as an undercover ‘hit’ squad who acted according to instructions from the top brass of the country’s defence establishment.

If that is the case, they have certainly acted beyond their mandate, violating the basic law of the country. However, this has to be proven before the judiciary.

UPFA dissidents back Ekneligoda suspects

Interestingly, some dissident MPs of the UPFA who call themselves the ‘Joint Opposition’ have seemingly begun campaigning to ‘rescue’ these suspect intelligence wing members who are presently in custody over Eknaligoda’s disappearance. This was quite apparent when Eknaligoda’s case was taken up before the Homagama Magistrate’s Court last week.

Parliamentarian Keheliya Rambukwella, arriving at the court Magstrate’s Court premises last week said that the UPFA dissident group had decided to give their MP’s salaries to the intelligence officers who were in remand in connection with Eknaligoda’s disappearance.

He told reporters that several MPs representing the dissident group held a discussion in this regard and they had expressed their willingness to financially help the families of these suspects. It is crystal clear that some UPFA MPs have no qualms about backing the intelligence wing members who are under investigation with regard to a serious crime.

Political observers note that this support could also imply that these MPs have different view of the Eknaligoda abduction which occurred just two days before the Presidential election in 2010.

Many people suspect that the disappearance of this journalist is linked to his persistent and revealing criticism of the Rajapaksa regime, and suggest that the sudden political support for the abduction suspects may be an attempt to slow down the on-going probe.

PM rejects MP pay hike

Last Wednesday’s Cabinet meeting amid the uproar over certain Budget proposals saw some fireworks.

The Cabinet met at the Presidential Secretariat on Wednesday evening and was chaired by President Maithripala Sirisena who returned to the country that morning after a successful visit to Vatican. The Cabinet meeting mainly focused on critical economic policy matters.

Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake suggested that the Cabinet to take measures to increase MPs’ salaries considering the calls made by a large number of MPs.

But, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe immediately shot down the idea saying there was no need to increase MP salaries at this juncture as the government had to deal with more pressing economic issues.

The Prime Minister also said he had become the ‘authority’ to sanction foreign tours of state officials and observed that it had turned out to be a time-consuming exercise.

“It requires a separate staff and it takes a long time. I have to attend to it amidst a million other things!” the Prime Minister had pointed out to his Cabinet colleagues.

“Earlier, the Prime Ministers were asked to do that because they didn’t have any work to do. But, in your case it’s different,” Minister S.B. Dissanayake said explaining the reasons behind the move.

“I have decided to give that power back to the ministers,” the Prime Minister said, ‘devolving’ his power among cabinet members.

Faizer-Sajith battle

Meanwhile, a verbal battle arose between two members of the Cabinet representing the UNP and the SLFP. They were Housing and Construction Minister Sajith Premadasa and Local Government and Provincial Councils Minister Faizer Mustapha. It all began when the Housing Minister presented a cabinet paper to construct bridges across the country. However, the Local Government Minister was of the view that the matter came under the purview of his ministry.

“I am against this Cabinet paper. The matter should come under my ministry,” Mustapha declared.

“I have nothing to do with that. I presented the Cabinet paper because I was asked to do so,” Premadasa responded.

Mustapha, at this point, said his ministry would be left without any work if another ministry ‘usurped’ its powers. He also raised concerns over an official letter sent by Premadasa to Parliamentarians promising to construct bridges in their electorates. Finally, President Sirisena intervened to stop the argument between the two ministers and said the government would make a decision on the matter later.

Dilan vs Namal

The SLFP too had to deal with several verbal battles last week as Minister Dilan Perera, Media Spokesman of the SLFP, lashed out at MP Namal Rajapaksa in public while addressing a press briefing in Colombo.

Perera was a die-hard Rajapaksa follower before the Parliamentary election and switched his allegiance soon after the election results were announced.

The politician who had dubbed Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe as ‘ping agamethi’ before the Parliamentary election, went on to accept a ministerial portfolio under the national unity government headed by President Sirisena and Prime Minister Wickremesinghe.

At last week’s media briefing, Perera slammed Namal Rajapaksa when a journalist asked a question about a statement made by Rajapaksa Jr that those who accepted ministerial portfolios from the government had ‘betrayed the SLFP and its voters’. Perera, responding to the question, said Rajapaksa, as a junior MP of the party, had no right to make such remarks as the move was endorsed by the Central Committee of the party.

“Namal Rajapaksa has forgotten that the SLFP does not belong to his father, Mahinda, any more. He must not say or do as he did when his father was the President and the party leader. It was the SLFP Central Committee which permitted SLFP members to join the coalition government. We feel sorry about his statement because of his age. Mr. Rajapaksa has a bright political future because he has a good family background. However, he should remember that he will not have a political future within the SLFP if he tries to exceed the authority of the SLFP Central Committee,” Perera warned.

Perera also claimed that former President Rajapaksa was engaged in “political deals.”

“Deals are not new in the country’s political arena. Namal’s father - former President Rajapaksa - was also engaged in a deal aiming to come to power in 2005.

As a result of that deal people of the North and East refrained from voting and therefore, Rajapaksa became the President. If there was no such deal Prabhakaran would have been alive today. But we should know that President Maithripala Sirisena was never engaged in political deals even for his own advantage. That’s the difference,” he added.

He also made a remark that the distance between the young Parliamentarian’s mouth and his posterior was not much more than an inch!

When the former President arrived at PRECIFAC just a day after this statement, some reporters asked Rajapaksa whether he had something to say to counter the State Minister’s remark.

“Everyone saw the deal I had with the LTTE. If not for that deal, the situation of the country would have been different,” Rajapaksa responded saying he didn’t want to comment on Dilan Perera as he served as a minister of his government.

When asked about Perera’s remark on Namal Rajapaksa, the former President said it was up to his son to respond to the Minister’s claim.

“Namal’s political journey is different from mine. So why should I respond to Dilan on behalf of Namal?” the former President asked, avoiding further questions from reporters on the matter.