Tying the knot
When the United Kingdom decided, by a
narrow margin in popular vote, to exit from the European Union, it
became clear to the Brits that breaking away could not be as simple as
the 'Yes' or 'No' vote in the referendum. The 'Brexit' will require a
painstaking and, to some, painful, process involving careful dis-entanglement
from a myriad - literally tens of thousands - of laws, by-laws,
regulations, covenants and institutional procedures through which the UK
has engaged with the giant European single market and the complex
political structure that ensures its continent-scale democratic
governance.
Those Sri Lankans whose uncertainty over international practices,
global systems and inter-state dealings, lead them to fear the 'foreign'
can learn both negatively and positively from the Brexit experience.
Firstly, while some British feared the 'foreigner' and therefore, wanted
Brexit, the foreigners they feared most were those from the same
continent and larger, continental culture, namely, Europe, while they
were less concerned about migration from other parts of the world.
Does this not teach us that often one tends to fear more the rivalry
of one's cultural peers rather than the overtures of more distant and
less well known 'strangers'? Since we know our kin better, we tend to
worry over all those characteristics that we know so well, whereas
strangers could seem less inimical precisely because we know less to
fear.
Secondly, the fundamental reason for the formation of the original
European Community was the huge economic advantage to be gained from the
'common market'. And over the decades, that common market became more
closely knit via labour sharing and trade simplifying systems. Profit,
advantages, all accrue to one only when one deliberately engages and
does so in a systematic manner that ensures the maximum benefits and
best protection. Further, one of capitalism's historic fundamentals is
that of scale of market and of production: bigger means greater
economies of scale. Being part of a larger market and larger production
platform enables one to reach higher levels of consumption and
productivity and ultimately, affluence.
The UK's dis-entanglement will take years with also the possibility
that when saner counsel takes over in the uncovering of these
entanglements, there will be a readiness to preserve some of those very
linkages so that they will continue to bring benefits to the UK.
The bottom line in all this is that neighbouring countries and
regions are, by their very geographical proximity, inevitably and
inextricably tied to each other with benefits and disadvantages arising
from that proximity.
The geographical proximity of two States cannot be wished away but,
rather, should be realistically acknowledged and engagements actively
pursued to accrue the best advantages to both sides. When economic
interaction cannot be avoided, it is better to be actively engaged
rather than allowing piecemeal tie-ups that will not make the best of
the relationship.
All these arguments are a prologue to an understanding of the ETCA
debate. In the first place, there is little to debate, yet, since the
Agreement is still to be finalised. But that is why the current worries
need addressing as unfounded ones that arise from mere perceptions and
speculation.
The fact is, that while Sri Lanka is set to negotiate closer trade
linkages with China, India, Japan and some other major economies, all of
these 'agreements' are not even half-way to completion, but yet there
are Sri Lankans who seem to harbour greater fears over a trade agreement
with neighbour India than with the other countries. As pointed out
above, this 'fear' may arise from our intimate knowledge and experience
of our neighbouring country over the millennia.
Some will want recall the history of invasions by chieftains and
kings of southern India in inter-state rivalries between polities on
both sides of the tiny Palk Strait that separates us from our continent.
The terrors of the Chola and Pandya forces as described in our
historical tales are then highlighted. Histories on the far side of the
Straits also record the tribulations of - less frequent - invasions by
Sri Lankan kings.
Far more Sri Lankans celebrate - and do so every year - the influx of
high culture and, most importantly, of religion, from the continent to
our island. When the all-powerful and all-conquering Emperor Asoka
decided to save on troops and expenditure and expand his 'Pax Maurya'
through the 'soft diplomacy' of religious conversion, our King
Devanampiyatissa was among many smaller potentates who chose, wisely, to
accept that soft diplomacy.
Today, no Sri Lankan Buddhist considers the 'arrival' of the Mahinda
Mission to be that of an imperial imposition or a forced colonial
conversion. Rather, thousands of Sri Lankans annually travel to the holy
land of Dambadiva on pilgrimage, so much so that travel operators and
hoteliers in Chennai know their Sinhala in order to handle this
lucrative pilgrim traffic.
The fact of physical proximity must, today, be capitalised upon not
only for future spiritual destinies of the faithful, but also the direct
benefit of all Sri Lankans.
The Government is wisely negotiating trade and collaborative linkages
across the broadest spectrum of directly economic as well as
socio-economic - education, technology sharing - activity between India
and Sri Lanka.
Indeed, as this newspaper reports today, the initial contours
emerging from the ETCA negotiations already point to direct advantages
to Sri Lanka in terms of more liberalised exports to and investments in
our giant neighbouring market.
Once the Agreement is finalised and the first fruits accrue to both
countries, it is just possible that those who voted for Brexit may see
the flourishing of cross Straits links and regret the blind nationalism
that pushed them away from the larger cross channel economic pie.
And Sri Lankans all so eager to benefit from the booming Indian
market and India shopping may soon want to go beyond just trade and may
envision a modern bridge in place of the mythological one. And ETCA will
be a useful template for closer economic ties with those more distant
economies. After all, the known Devil is better than . . .
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