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| Sunday, 30 October 2005 |
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Features |  |
| News Business Features Editorial
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Tale of two Manifestos by J. Vitarana Election manifestos are as customary as election promises. In Sri Lanka
both these bundles of commodities are never taken seriously by the voters
before the voting. In contrast the candidates and their parties
Nevertheless these manifestos provide interesting reading both in regards to the light they throw on the intentions of the aspirants to high office as well as on their mastery in evading issues through skilful use of semantics. Skilful use of semantics The UNP Manifesto was the first to arrive on the election platform. A slim volume with a smiling face of Ranil it contains nothing but a series of promises spelt out in a hurry. In promising relief to the consumers burdened with the spiraling cost of living it has even forgotten to observe the current market prices and promises goods at rates slightly above the prevailing prices in the market. Taken in the context of spiraling world prices of oil these promises are nothing but an attempt to draw wool over the eyes of the consumers. It also shows that the UNP leaders do not visit the Pettah market or the ordinary grocers and take the inflated super market prices as the mean market price once again showing their alienation from the common folk whom they promise to relieve of their burdens of life. People's Agenda The economic program outlined in the People's Agenda of the UNP is nothing but a refurbished version of the notorious Regaining Sri Lanka Program rejected by the voters at the General Election 2000 as being pro-rich. The UNP's promise of a 10 percent GDP growth as well as its promises to give cash grants to youth border on fiction rather than reality. Throughout the Manifesto one could see intentions being spelt out without concrete action proposed which would make it difficult in the future even to monitor whether the pledges are being kept. Many promises outlined in the manifesto of the UNP lack quantified targets for their implementation. It shows its lack of seriousness in drawing up the manifesto. In short, the People's Agenda lacks intellectual weight and is more akin to a schoolboy's essay. The most trumpeted section of the People's Agenda is that on peace. It talks of using a bi-partisan approach. How well the UNP used such a bi-partisan approach in signing the Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) is well known. It was sent to the President, the only constitutional authority that can take decisions on war or peace only after it was signed by the LTTE leader. The UNP now talks of strengthening the CFA but it never heeded any proposal to do so when they were in power. It talks of recommencing the peace talks since the Supreme Court had decided it is valid. Does this imply that they failed to recommence the talks when they were in power due to the lack of a Supreme Court decision? One must remember the LTTE withdrew from the talks due to the lethargy of the UNP government to implement in good faith the decisions arrived at talks. The UNP talks of the Oslo communiqu‚. Yes, it was a communiqu‚ of the Royal Norwegian government, which said the parties agreed to explore a solution based on a federal structure within a united Sri Lanka. What has the UNP done up to now to explore such a solution? None. The UNP Manifesto says that the LTTE agreed to a separate Muslim delegation whereas the LTTE agreed only to have a Muslim delegation when issues relating to the Muslims are discussed. Mahinda Chintana The Mahinda Chintana or the Manifesto of the UPFA candidate is quite different. There are concrete proposals that have been quantified. So it is easy to monitor whether they would be implemented. In general, it is a more comprehensive document that has better and weightier intellectual output. In contrast to the People's Agenda it is more pro-poor. It seeks to develop both the state and private sectors and gives clear guarantees that certain strategic sectors of the economy like power and energy would not be privatised or sold out. The emphasis is to seek an economic strategy that is national and not subservient to foreign capital. This does not, however, rule out foreign investments. The role of the state in economic development is acknowledged. Specific proposals have been introduced in the manifesto to enhance the living standards of the population including the estate workers. Nor has it neglected culture and arts, which had received, only scant attention in the People's Agenda. As is now well known the UNP had almost forgotten the media in drawing up its manifesto. In the sphere of foreign policy Mahinda Chintana promises to carry forward the non-aligned policy. Strangely the UNP is silent on this issue. When one recollects the behaviour of the UNP governments during the Iraq war one wonders whether Sri Lanka in UNP hands would end as an appendage of a super power. The Mahinda Chintana seems to be a better cooperative effort than the People's Manifesto, which shows the overtly democratic credentials of the UPFA contestant over his UNP rival. As he himself says Mahinda Rajapakse promises to abide by consensus even if that goes against his personal views. Therein lies a hope for those who seek a negotiated settlement for the National Question. The national consensus would be much broader than the electoral alliance he has grouped together and would reflect people's aspirations more closely. It would be not bipartisan but multi-partisan. Crossovers Elections are a time for crossovers, splits and further splits. Not a single party is free of dissension and split. This is only natural, as they constitute living souls and not inanimate matter. What is not natural is the mathematics worked out by self-styled experts depending on these crossovers. First it was Thaondman and Rauf Hakeem whose embrace of Ranil was portrayed, as an addition to the latter's vote base. Interestingly the experts were basing their calculations on wrong premises. Both were with the UNP at elections in the past. As is well known the cockerel is used to perch on fruit bearing trees. The latest cheer is for Ven. Uduwe Dhammaloka. He was not in the government ranks for him to defect. His vote base was also UNP. Though the Venerable Thera claims to inherit the entire JHU vote base it would be absurd to write off the rest of the JHU as impotent. They do not seem to take account of more tangible developments since the
last election like the emergence of the Karuna group and the splits in the
SLMC. Nor do they take account of the apparent lack of enthusiasm of the
Northern visitors in the election as against their enthusiasm when the TNA
contested. The real mathematics, however, will be worked out by the voters
on November 17. |
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claim to
take serious interest in them before the voting but simply ignore them after
the polls. In a sense the voters are wiser and they take their decisions on
more mundane matters. 
