No Sri Lankan newspaper as yet carried the full text of the recent India Today interview with president Mahinda Rajapaksa

‘India should play a much bigger role’

Full text of the interview:

With his brawny good looks, Mahinda Rajapaksa could easily pass for a hero of South Indian films. He did, in fact, act in a Sinhalese film but first chose law and then politics as his main vocation. “If I had continued in films, I would have been another Karunanidhi (the Tamil Nadu chief minister),” he joked, settling down for an exclusive interview last week with Managing Editor Raj Chengappa in Colombo.

More comfortable in a lungi and shirt rather than formal wear, Rajapaksa comes across as earthy and pragmatic. He takes pride in his rural upbringing in Hambanthota, a province in the Sinhala dominated south of Sri Lanka. His emergence as the top leader of the Sri Lankan Freedom Party and then as President of the nation in November last signalled a major political shift - till then the party was dominated by the Bandaranaikes the last being Chandrika Kumaratunga. At 60 Rajapaksa is fit enough to lead the party for the maximum of two terms that a President can enjoy.

Rajapaksa rode to power on the back of Sinhala chauvinism and the support of the two hardline parties, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna, (JVP) and the Jathika Hela Urumaya, (JHU). What also helped is that the LTTE ordered the Tamils that constitute 18 per cent of the population to boycott the polls. The Tamils were expected to vote for the United National Party alliance headed by the suave Ranil Wickremesinghe. The boycott saw Rajapaksa emerge as the winner with the slimmest of majorities.
Rajapaksa was expected to be hawkish in his dealings with the LTTE as during the election campaign he had ridiculed the “peace at any cost” approach followed by his predecessors and was against the Norway-led international mediation. But as President he has surprisingly shown tremendous patience despite the LTTE launching a series of murderous attacks in Colombo. Among those killed were Kethesh Loganathan, deputy secretary general of the All Party Representative Committee for peace.

When the LTTE wounded the army commander Lieutenant General Sarath Fonseka in an attack in the capital and then blocked the supply of water from a major dam to farmers in the East, Rajapaksa ordered his forces to retaliate. Battles now rage for control of Jaffna, the provincial capital of the North, and also for the key port of Trincomalee in the East. Army casualties are high for both sides apart from rising civilian death and the nation seems to be on the brink of a civil war.

With refugees landing on the Tamil Nadu coast in increasing numbers, India has called for an end to hostilities and a return to the peace process. Given the coalition compulsions and the memories of the costly 1987 military intervention, the Manmohan Singh’s government is wary of directly getting involved. But Rajapaksa has been asking for India’s help especially in the area of defence something he reiterated in the interview. Excerpts:

‘I am ready to talk’

Q: With so much fighting going on is the ceasefire over?

A: For me the ceasefire is still there. While Sri Lankan troops and security personnel have shown tremendous restraint, the LTTE has been violating the Ceasefire Agreement with impunity since the year 2000. They have been procuring arms from international terrorist groups.

They have been indulging in gun and drug trafficking in international waters. They have mined large areas of the North and the East that have subsequently killed and maimed innocent men, women and children.

They have been recruiting child soldiers with a vengeance. Therefore while there is in fact no Ceasefire Agreement at ground level because the LTTE has been waging an undeclared war ever since the Agreement was signed, I am acting as though there is an operative Ceasefire Agreement because I want peace for my people.

We are now just defending ourselves. But we want peace. We want a settlement. The LTTE and the government must get together and negotiate this. I am ready to talk directly to Prabhakaran (the LTTE chief) - man to man. Even recently after all that has happened, we are ready to move forward.

Q: During the election campaign you said you were not for Norwegian mediation and that when you come to power they would be out. Is that still your approach?

A: I never said that I was going to chase them out. We have our alliances - some of them felt they should go. After the elections they all admit that they should still try and negotiate. My alliance partners gave me the mandate to go ahead with the peace talks - so we went ahead. The LTTE broke away from the peace talks because we didn’t provide them a helicopter to bring them. Can you imagine this?

Q: Were you against the way your predecessors were negotiating the peace agreement?

A: What I felt for a solution the whole country must get together and we must have consensus on how we are going to do it. We can’t force anything down anyone’s throat. My strategy is to unite all parties represented in parliament on a common peace platform that will propose a framework for a solution. I wanted the get them to study the past history of the problem, study the Indian system and the other systems in the world and give me a Sri Lankan model. That would be used as a basis for negotiations with the Tamil groups like the LTTE with whom we shall sit together and discuss it. I believe in a frank, direct approach to the problem.

Transparent strategy

Q: The feeling is that the All Party Conference is just a delaying tactic.

A: Why should I do that if this is not a process I believe in? My political strategy is transparent and I have no hidden agenda.  I told them that I want concrete proposals within a clear time frame. But what is the time the LTTE has given me? Ever since I was sworn in the LTTE replied to our initiative with bombs, terror and assassination. I didn’t retaliate I was just watching the situation. Trying to say we must negotiate. Only after they hit Colombo and struck my army commander that I reacted.

It is the function of any self-respecting government to use force as a possible last alternative to protect the lives, the rights and the property of its citizens. We will not sit idle in the face of terrorism. Certainly, when our soldiers are attacked, when the LTTE commits atrocities on innocent civilians, and when our sea routes are threatened, we will retaliate in self defence in limited engagements.

But in spite of their violent response, we continue with our peace initiative because we know that the Tamil speaking people of our country are with us; because we know that the world community is with us; and because we know that with the support of the Tamils, the International Community and especially with the support and understanding of our friendly neighbours like India, in the end ‘sanity will prevail’ and our initiative will succeed.

Q: You are perceived as being a hawk?

A: The West looked at me like that because they thought I came from a village background. I was not glamourous enough for them. They wanted an Oxford graduate fluent in English speaking with an accent and all that. So that they thought that a man with tie would make a better leader.

Now the whole world must understand that when the LTTE attacked initially I kept quiet. Otherwise I would have started from the time I came to power and would have used any excuse to walk in with all my firepower. Whatever the image they might try to build, I am still Mahinda Rajapaksa who knows what the people want and their needs. What I want is peace and prosperity for the country.

‘Give up armed struggle’

Q: So you don’t want to be the lion of Sri Lanka who would get rid of the Tigers?

A: (Laughs) I want to live with the tiger not take it over. But the LTTE must give up this armed struggle and talk. Mind you we are talking about a terrorist group not freedom fighters. That’s the difference. With a freedom fighter we can negotiate. With a terrorist you decide.

Let us also remember that the LTTE speaks for only a small group of Tamils - a terrorist group that speaks with the gun and uses terrorism to silence the diversity of opinion within our country’s Tamil community. 30% of our Tamil people live in Colombo. They want peace above everything and they know that Eelam is only a recipe for a barbaric, despotic regime that wants to rule with the gun and suppress the human rights and opinions of the Tamil people.

The moderate voices in the Tamil community are silenced by murder and terror. Therefore how can the LTTE be the champion of Tamil rights when they are killing every Tamil whose opinion differs from theirs? Do they not accept that the Tamils too have a right to the freedom of expression? Don’t Tamils too have a right to the freedom to differ? These people do not represent Tamil aspirations. They are, quite simply, a murderous, terrorist outfit. Let me be clear. While our government welcomes all measures to resolve the problems of the Tamil people, we will not compromise with terrorism, murder and the destruction of Human Rights. I appeal to all Tamil people across the world, especially to the respected Tamil intellectual and political leaders in India, to persuade their Tamil brothers and sisters who may have been misled into supporting the terrorists, to join the national peace process we have set in motion, and help bring peace and prosperity back to our country and ensure the security of the South Asian region to which we all belong.

Q: Is Sri Lanka on the brink of a civil war?

A: No. Because I said earlier I want peace. That’s why whatever action I have taken we are not on a fully offensive mode. Just as much as our initiative for peace talks and negotiation has never ceased, the LTTE’s commitment to terrorism, war and assassination has also never ceased. This is what is most unfortunate and worrying. The LTTE has mined many areas in the North, they have forced under-age and school going children to join their fighting cadres, and they have continued to kill their Tamil political opponents who advocate a peaceful solution to the problem. They have forcibly silenced through terror and assassination the huge opposition to them that comes from our country’s Tamil community. But what is important is that with all this they have not been able to drag the country to a civil war.

And why? Because the vast majority of Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim people in our country are backing our government’s initiative for a peaceful solution. In my view there will not be a civil war because we have been following and we will continue to follow the course which has been followed in many democratic countries, - for example, in India, - when dealing with regional and ethnic problems. Like India and so many other countries, our choice is to address such problems through negotiation and accommodation and not through heavy-handed repression. At the same time, where the use of force is unavoidable to protect the rights and lives of our people, we will not bow down to pressure. That is the way we approach this problem. And just as India succeeded to retain its unity and integrity in the face of so many break-away movements, we too will eventually succeed.

‘Unite against terror’

Q: Are you walking into a trap created by Prabhakaran?

A: You never know how Prabhakaran’s mind works. Now the world has recognised that the LTTE is a terrorist organisation. Apart from the Indians, The EU has banned it and so have the Americans, the Canadians and the Australians. The India President in his Independence Day speech spoke of the need for uniting against terror - we have to forget about all differences and do that. Not only for Sri Lanka, India and the rest of the world. There must be international pressure - there can’t three different approaches for one word which is terrorism.

Q: But what about the incident of the death of children in the orphanage after your army carried out an attack recently?

A: Instead of listening to propaganda and rumours people must study the facts. Everybody knows that this was a training camp for child soldiers and women cadres opened by the LTTE. The photographs show the bodies where they are wearing black trousers, shirts and headbands. In Sri Lanka most of the Hindu girls or Tamils never wear clothes like this. We identified this as a camp in 2004 we had to take that action when we were attacked.

I never ordered the attack of an orphanage or any children. It was sad. We are family people. I have given clear instructions to the forces that there should be no human rights violations. Every complaint that is lodged I must get report and the culprits must be caught. It can be anybody but they must be punished.

Q: On your first visit to India in December last year there was a feeling that the reception you got was not warm enough?

A: I didn’t feel like that. I am one of the few leaders who have visited India more than anyone else. I have the closest ties with Indian leaders ever since I was a Minister in Chandrika Kumaratunga’s cabinet. The Prime Minister was friendly and we had discussions and a good understanding with the political leadership. We are two sides of the same coin - India and Sri Lanka - with all our culture, our religion and history. A close understanding between our two countries is basic to the security of the South Asian region. Our economic destiny too is closely tied to that of India. These are the basics that should guide our relations: No question.

And by the way, let me tell you that in 1999, - several years before the US recognised India as a nuclear force for world peace, I expressed a similar sentiment at a Human Rights Conference in Dehra Dun, and received more brickbats than bouquets from the Media at that time. When I was asked by the media what I thought of India’s Nuclear Underground Test, I said it was something all Asians should be proud about, because India had emerged as South Asia’s first super-power, and shown that we Asians will not succumb to big power pressures anymore. I also said that a strong India can play a much larger role in ensuring peace in our region in the long run. People now tell me that I was then ‘ahead of my times’.

It is important to keep all this in mind specially at a time like this, when the LTTE is conducting an organised campaign to send Sri Lankan citizens as refugees to India in order to try and create a problem between our two countries.
‘India should play a bigger role’

Q: What do you want India to do now?

A: I have been repeatedly requesting the Indian government to play a much bigger role in helping Sri Lanka solve our crisis. It is not only I who look to India for this. In fact the whole world is looking to India to provide the initiative to move the peace process forward.

Q: You don’t think India is doing enough at the moment?

A: I won’t say that India is not doing enough. I know they have to balance their political considerations. I can understand there is a coalition and we also have coalitions. The LTTE knows this and exploits this. India has banned the LTTE and will not negotiate with terrorists. We need India’s help in the seas around Jaffna and Trincomalee to prevent terrorist arms being smuggled into our country.

We make a special appeal to India’s Tamil leaders to take the initiative in helping even the misguided though a small section of our Tamil population to unite behind peaceful solutions to their problems.

The Indo-US Nuclear Deal is evidence that the US looks to India today as a responsible nuclear power that can keep the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace and stability. SAARC looks to India as a senior partner.

We observed India’s intervention in Nepal which brought the Maoist rebels to the negotiating table. We too look to India to help us protect democracy from the threat of terrorism.

As far as Defence Cooperation with India is concerned joint naval exercises, training of our security forces in anti-terrorist operations, and a security arrangement that would guarantee the integrity and security of both our countries, are among the many defence related matters on which both our countries should focus.

Q: Your critics say that you have veered towards Pakistan and you buy defence equipment from them?

A: (Laughs) Not just from them we buy equipment from the Israelis, China, Pakistanis Russia and even India.
We have a very close relationship with all the countries and we want peace in the region. We know that India is the main country that can bring about peace. So India is our first option - not only in defence but in everything. Only then do we go elsewhere.

Q: India has offered to discuss the Indian model of the constitution? Are you taking up the offer?

A: We have open minds, as all democratic processes should have. Of course, the offer is therefore accepted. We also appreciate the efforts that are being taken by India to persuade other political parties in our country to throw in their lot with the All Party Process in particular and the Peace Process in general.

Q: What else do you want from India?

A: Not just defence but develop our country, get the investors here, develop the south and the north and the east and the full country. I invite investors to come here. We are the third biggest importers of Indian goods. And with my new policies all the Tatas and these Indian vehicles are plying here. We are encouraging Indian investment in a big way. We already have a free trade agreement with a binding trade relationship of US $ 2.5 billion which is growing at annual rate of 20 to 30 per cent. We would like to see more direct investment from India in all sectors of our economy and especially in infrastructure development. At the same time we must narrow down the huge trade deficit. And we must bear this objective in mind as our two countries move ahead with talks on establishing a Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) for still closer economic cooperation covering an even wider range of goods and services. We want India to become important stakeholders in our economy.

Nationalist of pluralistic society

Q: On a personal note, you had come to power because of your charisma of being one with the people - Ape (Our) MahindA: But you also were accused by opponents of being a Sinhala chauvinist especially because your government needs the support of the JVP and the JHU. What has been your approach to Presidency?

A: True, coming as I do from a rural background, I have always been very close to the people. Even today, despite the constraints imposed on me by my security, I continue to meet lots and lots of people from all communities and from all walks of life. True, I can never be happy unless I have direct access to the people. And with such a wide network of direct contacts with people of all communities and religious persuasions, it is simply impossible for a person like me to be a narrow Sinhala chauvinist.

You may describe me as a Nationalist of a Pluralistic Society.

Let me tell you what I mean by this. Ours is a Pluralistic Society with plenty of diversity: Several ethnic groups and all the four great religions of the world are contained within our nation. At one level, I am a deeply committed follower of the Buddha Dharma and a passionate lover of the Sinhala language and culture.

At another level - and at the same time - I have always had the knack of rising above my own identity and seeing the bigger picture of our national diversity as a ‘Sri Lankan’ in the truest sense of the term. I probably developed this knack of rising above my own identity because I grew up from my small days with heaps of friends and relations from all our nation’s different communities. Also perhaps my grooming as a Human Rights Lawyer got me deeply committed to respect the Rights of All.

Q: What about your style of governance?

A: Now that I have shared with you my past upbringing and grooming, you can provide a more objective definition than me.
Or you want me to try? OK. Mine can be described as a ‘Very Inclusive Style of Governance, where people have easy access to me and I patiently listen to all. My style is to then shed a problem or situation of its unnecessary complications and get down to the basics - the fundamentals - as quickly as possible. I am very impatient with people who complicate things unnecessarily. And finally my style is to then develop our own indigenous solutions to our own problems, benefiting from the experiences of other countries no doubt, but deeply grounded in the cultures, the genius and the diversity of our own Sri Lankan people.