Bandaranaike-Chelva Pact:
Most genuine attempt to
solve Tamil problem - S.D. Bandaranayake
A gravel path off the Gampaha-Yakkala road, leads to a
well-ventilated mansion, popularly known in the area as Madu Gas Walawwa.
As for the name sake, the access road to the Walawwa which stood the
test of the time and would have witnessed many decisive political
discussions as well as visits paid by politicians of generations is
leafed by rows of Madu trees neatly grown on either side of the road.
The mansion provides shelter for generations of politicians and has
always been the centre of political activities of the province. Here, I
met senior politician and statesman S.D. Bandaranayake, an active member
of the first SLFP Government. He was reading the Beijing Review which he
has been subscribing to since 1952.
Reminiscent of his maiden speech in parliament which he made in
Sinhala although majority of members spoke in English; the speech was on
the position of Sinhala and Tamil speaking people in Sri Lanka verses
English speaking people.
In the lengthy speech which took two and a half hours, Bandaranayake
analyzed the remuneration paid to English speaking people and those paid
to Sinhalese and Tamil speaking people.
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Although the Speaker requested Bandaranayake to translate the speech
into English, he declined the request on the ground that it would only
be useful to Singleton who was appointed member of the Parliament and
that he would be pleased, if possible, to speak in Tamil.
In 1956 on the eve of the formation of a Government, Bandaranayake
posed two questions to Prime Minister S.W.R.D Bandaranaike. The first
was to unit the parties in the Parliament and form a Government and the
second to absorb people who speak Sinhala and Tamil into the
administrative structure.
His request was to make these issues priorities on the agenda of the
new government. Upon receiving negative answers, Bandaranayake declined
to accept any office in the government.
Subsequently, he was appointed Secretary General of the party,
Secretary General of the Youth Organisation and Chairman of the Trade
Union. One of the watersheds in national question was the UNP's march to
Kandy demanding the immediate abrogation of the Bandaranaike
Chelvanayagam pact (BC pact). The BC pact was the first attempt by the
Sri Lankan government to share power with the minorities.
The march was led by J. R. Jayewardene with 1000-5000 supporters. The
task to halt the march was entrusted to the Secretary General of the
party, S.D Bandaranayake was one of the architects of the BC pact.
Bandaranayake sent a spy who reported to him that the march would reach
Imbulgoda junction the following day.
Bandaranayake got into his Volks Wagon bearing the serial number 1
Sri 1961 which was presented to him by the people of Gampaha which still
he posses. Dr. M.C. Chandrasena's car was also parked blocking the road.
At an opportune place on the Gampaha- Kandy road at Imbulgoda
junction where two hillocks narrowed the path, Bandaranayake parked the
car across the road. He came to the appointed spot with eleven others
and placed five persons on each hillock.
The men were armed with (thambili comba) king coconutswithout
kernels. When the march approached the junction, coconuts were thrown
onto the marching UNP supporters and panic-stricken marchers dispersed
into nearby shops and houses.
Thus, the long march to Kandy was halted at Imbulgoda junction. IGP
came by helicopter to witness a gathering of thousands of SLFP
supporters after learning about this though UNP supporters were not
aware of the fact that only eleven people were brought in for the
operation.
Recollecting the incident, Bandaranayake put the blame on the system
of divide and rule handed down by colonial masters. He stopped the march
as it would cause commotion in Kandy if it reached Kandy. He wanted to
protect the people marching with the then Opposition Leader J.R.
Jayewardene.
He firmly believes that the present conflict would not arise if there
was a united government and if the BC pact came into effect; it is the
best solution and the most genuine attempt among all the attempts to
solve the ethnic conflict so far.
Bandaranayake believes that reactionary forces came into the picture
and masterminded the boycotting the Cabinet meeting by ministers led by
W. Dahanayake. The Ministers included in the conspiracy were C.P de
Silva, Marikkar, Wimala Wijewardene and others.
On September 26, 1959, Prime Minister S.W.R.D Bandaranaike invited
the US Ambassador to have breakfast with him. Soon after the Ambassador
left, came monk Somarama and shot the Prime Minister to death. They also
found an extra robe of a Buddhist monk on the verandah.
He stated that S.W.R.D dead would be a strong person than S.W.R.D
living. He believes that reactionary forces were behind most of the
political assassination including assassination of S.W.R.D Bandaranaike
and the killing of Premadasa, Lalith Athulathmudali and Gamini
Dissanayake.
Speaking on attempts made by various governments to solve the
national question, Bandaranayake was of the view that the government of
former Prime Minister late Sirimavo Bandaranaike made a genuine attempt
to solve the national question. When the Jaffna library was burnt down,
Madam Bandaranaike sent him to Jaffna to look into the incident.
Remembering the black July in 1983, Bandaranayake stated how he
visited the Tamil speaking people in Wellawatte. He met President J. R
Jayewardene in the company of Premadasa, Gamini Dissanayake and Lalith
Athulathmudali. He asked J.R Jayewardene, 'Why don't you impose curfew
immediately because people are looting properties of Tamil people."
In the evening J.R Jayewardene imposed curfew.
One day J.R Jayewardene called him and J.R, was with a list of JVP's
demands and was ticking off the list one by one. Bandaranayake states
that that night, Wijedasa Liyanarachchi was killed.
Wijedasa was killed but he appeared for non-JVPers and Prince
Gunasekara had to leave the country to escape from persecution. Compared
to BC pact, Bandaranayake was of the view that Provincial Councils were
a white elephant. The Village committee system was more effective than
Provincial Councils.
Though Chandrika Bandaranaike openly declared that a solution to the
national question would be based on federal structure, S.D. thinks the
proposals fell short of a kind of devolution envisioned by her father in
the BC pact.
Bandaranayake believes that President is interested in forming a
national government which was articulated by him way back in 1957. He
reminded that the meeting was held at his house with Ranil
Wickremesinghe and Gamini Dissanayake on national unity in 1997. The
meeting was organized by trade union leader Martin Amerasiri.
However, Bandaranayake was removed from the party following the
meeting. At the meeting, Bandaranayake suggested that the two parties
should join hands to solve this problem.
Bandaranayake firmly believes that the national government would
facilitate in finding a solution to the problem. He warns that
Prabhakaran would kill all those who would support the idea of forming a
national government. Formation of a national government and commencement
of negotiations should be the strategy in addressing political issues.
Bandaranayake also agrees that extremist elements and terrorists
should be removed and therefore military action is also necessary. This
is exactly why President Rajapaksa's approach to solve the problem is
effective.
He reminds vivid memories of visiting and staying in China where he
learnt politics from Chairman Mao Tse Thung. He was detained three years
and nine months in prison in 1971. When he appeared before the bench of
five Judges, the Chairman of the bench H.N.B. Fernando questioned why he
wore Mao's batch. Bandaranayake explained that it was Mao who brought
freedom and peace to China.
He expects politicians to unite and support the President. As for the
electoral system, Bandaranayake is of the view that the hybrid electoral
system with characteristic from the PR system and the First Pass and the
Post system should be adopted to suit the country.
One of the memorable political activities that S.D engaged was the
demonstration held in Jaffna by Palmyrah toddy tappers, the depressed
caste, against caste discrimination.
***
Milestones in political career
S.D. Bandaranayake was educated at St. Thomas College, Mt. Lavinia
and St. Thomas College Matara and Tranvenkor Agricultural University in
India. In 1951 he contested on the SLFP ticket to Gampaha constituency
and was elected as one of the nine members (he is the only living
member).
He travelled extensively in 1956 on special leave granted by former
Prime Minister late S.W.R.D Bandaranaike and visited the Socialist block
of countries including USSR, China and East Germany.
He laid the foundation for the Rubber ‘Rice pact between China and
Sri Lanka.’ He is also a pioneer in establishing diplomatic relations
between Sri Lanka and China.
He was also instrumental in launching development projects in Gampaha.
Construction of a Factory for Steel Corporation and upgrading 72 schools
to the status of Maha Vidyalaya and developing of leading public schools
in Gampaha such as Gampaha Bandaranaike College and the Chandra Jothi
Vidyalaya, Yakkala.
In 1982, he proposed for the abrogation of the divide and rule
established under the West Minister Parliamentary system and adapting a
united Government and expulsion of him from the party due to
misinterpretation of the proposal. He is the only surviving member of
101 MPs who represented Parliament in 1952.
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