Envisaging transformation - the need of the hour

Seminar on Public Institutions & Social Transformation in India and Sri Lanka:

by Indeewara Thilakarathne and Ranga Chandrarathne

Apart from recognising pathological and organic weaknesses of Public Institutions in India and Sri Lanka, the seminar offered precious insights into the processes of social transformation in post-independent India and Sri Lanka.

Prof. T.C.A. Anant's paper on "The vexed issue of autonomy: Separation of powers and Executive Agencies" examines separation of power according to traditional Montesquian doctrine of separation of power.

The doctrine is rooted in the idea that three arms of the state; executive, legislature and judiciary should be independent from one another and that concentration of these powers in one or two bodies would "diminish liberty."

Prof. Anant states that given the overarching influence of executive on all most all social and economic functions, a need for multiplicity of agencies has been created. The paper has further examined the functional aspect of "so-called independent agencies" against the backdrop of developmental state.

Citing Indian Supreme Court judgments in the Pradeep Biswas case and Zee Telefilms and their economic and legal implications, he points out that a distinct policy frame work is needed for autonomous agencies, outlining issues such a policy should address.

In the absence of clear-cut regulations and criterion on running of executive agencies, it has a negative effect on functionalities of such executive agencies. For instance, he pointed out that Board of Cricket in India is not a state entity.

Therefore, Prof. Anant's contention is that the state policy with regard to executive agencies, should be moved to "Bright light" standards, ending present ambiguous status. Another important paper presented at Seminar was Prof. Javed Alam's paper on "Process and Events: Democracy and Institutions of Governance".

He critically analyses the emerging trends in Indian political landscape with special emphasis on broad basing democracy with the entry of marginalised and vulnerable groups such as Subaltern and Dalits into political process.

However, he observes that this "upsurge" in politics has negatively affected the efficiency of institutions of political parties and representative bodies. His contention is that process of assimilation of marginalised groups has not effectively broad based internal democracy in political parties and representative bodies, leading to the emergence of paradoxes.

He further emphasised that two events; upheavals in the Congress party in 1960's which led to the concentration of power in the hand of a supreme leader and implementation of the Mandal Commission report grating political space for vulnerable section have widespread implications.

The counter reactions that two incidents set-in motion; country wide vandalism by upper class youths and the emergency of Hindu right wing politics, have had a impact on the functions political institutions. Right wing and leader centric political parties further weakened the efficacy of the political party.

Prof. N. Narayam's paper on "Decline of University as Public Institution" sheds light on the function of university as a Public institution and its present deteriorating state.

Tracing back to the formation of system of universities in India by British in 1957, Narayam emphasises the fact, that from the very inception system of universities in India which were modelled on the University of London, was not research oriented and served as examination bodies with "very little intellectual life its own".

He states that among the principle obligations that a university is required to fulfil are production, refinement and transfer of knowledge from one generation to another, training of successive generation in the vast knowledge, certification of acquisition of knowledge by those enrol in the system and engage meaningfully with the community in which the university exists.

However, Narayam points out that by and large the Indian system of universities has failed to live up to its founding objectives. It has been highlighted the fact that inadequate physical facilities coupled with prescriptions governing the minimum qualifications for appointments and promotion of academic staff , have not only contributed to earning many state universities the "sobriquet name of academic slums" but also contributed to steady decline of academic standards in universities. The over emphasis on certification has undermined the "institutional focus".

He observes that over the years, though the university intake of scheduled cast 7.8 and tribes 2.7 has increased, still vast majority of youth in the age-group 17-27 years remain outside the sphere of higher education.

Narayam further states that though this has contributed to cosmopolitism in universities, the future of universities will be "doomed" if sectional interests succeed in influencing academic decisions. He identified the existing political culture in universities and politicisation has robbed universities of autonomy, contributing to its decline.

Narayam concludes that universities in India as public institutions have declined and factors such as "mistrust of integrity of academic selections", "umpteen scandals" have violated the dignity of the university, undermining its legitimacy as a public Institution.

He is pessimistic that proposals such as those made by Kothari Commission which were rejected on the ground of elitism would see the light of the day under present political situation.

Prof. S.T. Hettige's paper on "Education, Identity Formation and Citizenship in post-colonial Sri Lanka" offers invaluable insights not only into the formation of identities and social citizenship but perhaps genesis of the national question.

He states that post-colonial ethno-linguistically segregated public education system has produced a generation of youth who has no opportunities of transcending traditional socio-cultural boundaries and forges a wider collective identity and a sense of common destiny or a future. This has effectively inhibited the national integration confining educated youth with mono-lingual background to his or her ethno-linguistic group.

He further emphasised the fact that ethno-linguistic segregated education has led to the birth of host of issues including mono-linguistic public servants such as large number of teachers, clerks, technical officers who can not move into other parts of the country due to the linguistic barriers.

Prof. Hettige argues those individuals, who received mono-linguistic education and thus confined to their ethno-linguistic regions tend to develop a regional rather than national identity. It is a well confirmed fact that ethno-linguistic segregated schools is the result of the state policy of medium of education which in turn resultant in formation of identities on ethno-linguistic lines.

One of the salient facts that the paper enunciates is that there is a close link between the ethno-linguistic identity of a school and school curriculum.

The curriculum offers certain common subjects to all schools and the preferences that children have with regard to language, literature and religion. So Sinhala children usually study the Sinhala language, Sinhala literature and Buddhism while their Tamil and Muslim counterparts learn their respective languages and literatures and religions.

If a Sinhala Buddhist child attends a Sinhala "Buddhist school and learns only Sinhala, he or she likely to develop a strong Sinhala-Buddhist identity. This phenomenon is valid for other ethno-linguistic groups.

The paper further stressed the fact that such groups grown independently in their own ethno-linguistic enclaves with little or no direct or perhaps indirect interaction tend to implicitly accept widely held popular perceptions, ethno-centric myths and prejudices about the "other" ethnic groups.

Another disadvantage that mono-lingual children encounter is the inability to access to books, newspapers published in other languages and also no access to a language facilitating social interaction and cultural exchange across ethnic divisions.

This ethno-linguistic segregated education has created endemic issues such as parental generations as this system of education has been in operation for over fifty years.

This has also created influential segments of society such as teachers, media personnel, public servants, politicians and law enforcing officers.

Prof. Hettige further observes that Sri Lankan society is clearly segmented on ethno-linguistic lines and world view of majority of Sri Lankans is closely linked with their own language, ethnicity and religion.

Unfortunately this has resulted in formation of political parties and interest groups on ethno-linguistic lines and most individuals look at issues from their own narrow perspectives. Ethno-linguistic segregated population does not perceive a common future or common destiny that transcends parochial aspirations of diverse communities.

It has been further emphasised that Swabhasha or vernacular education and setting up of regional universities has reinforced ethno-linguistic segregated education paving the way for the creation of mutually exclusive ethnic constituencies, effectively preventing the emergence of overarching social citizenship.

Irrespective of its negative effect on the population and long-term prospect of national integration, political elites have resorted to ethnic clientalism in order to consolidate their support base, reinforcing competition for life chances on the basis of ethnic identity.

Paper also suggests that this education policy has a negative impact on national integration and political stability.

The seminar was jointly organised by Indian Council of Social Science Research, National Science Foundation of Sri Lanka and India-Sri Lanka Foundation.

[email protected]