The march from Mavil Aru to Mallawi
By H.L.D. MAHINDAPALA
In the three score years that spanned our post-independence era there
is one indelible route in our history that will be drawn in gold from
coast to coast: the miles conquered in the march of President Mahinda
Rajapaksa’s forces, all the way from Mavil Aru in the east to Mannar,
Madhu, and now Mallawi, the birthplace of Velupillai Prabhakaran’s wife,
Madivadani, in the west. According to all military estimates now it’s
only a hop-step-and-a-jump away from Killinochchi, the so-called capital
of Evil-laam which failed to supply the trapped Tamils a slice of bread
or an aspirin.
By any historical standards, Rajapaksa’s march is a remarkable feat
that will be told and retold in heroic terms down the ages. With this
march he has risen above petty party politics into a historical legend
which will grow in time to come. In the meantime, however, he will have
to bear the slings and arrows of his critics who are bent on denigrating
him rather than acknowledging his gigantic contribution to peace,
stability, progress and history of this war-ravaged nation.
On the other side of the defence lines, Prabhakaran has lost more
than territory consisting of 6,000 or more sq. kilometers. He has lost
his dignity, his putative status as the saviour of the Tamils, and above
all his self-proclaimed claim to be “the sole representative of the
Tamils.” He has lost all his bargaining chips. There isn’t around him a
single friend that matters to save him. He alienated them all with his
ruthless violence which initially lifted him above the other Tamil
rivals.
But now he has fallen on the sword that lifted him. There is no one
to blame except himself and his arrogant intransigence which exaggerated
his importance as a dictator of national events.
He met his match in Mahinda Rajapaksa whom he described as “a
pragmatic man”. Hardly anyone expected Mahinda’s pragmatism to take him
all way to Mallavi, with more to come, and redraw the map of Sri Lanka
to regain its lost sovereignty and territorial integrity. He began his
march at a time when the nation was down in the depths of despair. The
nation had all but given up hope of erasing the borders drawn on
February 22, 2002 when the then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe
signed the Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) with Velupillai Prabhakaran without
informing the President, Parliament or even his party.
In this single arbitrary act he virtually abdicated his powers as
prime minister of the north and the east to the Tiger Supremo. This was
confirmed in a sneering tone by Anton Balasingham, the key player of the
Tigers in drafting the CFA, when he told the journalists in the Vanni
that Wickremesinghe was not their prime minister, February 22, 2002
marked the zenith of the political power of the Jaffna Tamils who
launched their violence against the State in the Vadukoddai Resolution
of 1976.
Velupillai Prabhakaran was handed over 6,000 sq. kilometers by
Wickremesinghe which was a scandalous sell out. Paul Harris, the
Correspondent of Jane’s Intelligence Review and the Daily Telegraph, who
knew what was happening under the Wickremesinghe regime, categorized it
as “the biggest land sell-out in history”. He paid dearly for speaking
out and revealing the truth. Wickremesinghe put his police dogs to track
his movements and before long Paul, who was hoping to settle down in Sri
Lanka, was expelled from Sri Lanka.
Though it was the worst of times for the nation as a whole it was the
best of times for the Tamil Tigers.
Everything was going swimmingly for the Tamil Tigers after the CFA.
In the name of peace-making Wickremesinghe was bending over backwards to
please the Tigers. The Tamil Tigers, on the other hand, had no
intentions of stopping their aggression after the signing of the CFA.
In his usual naïve approach to complex issues, Wickremesinghe viewed
the CFA as his great political masterpiece that would tie the Tigers
down to a peace guaranteed by the international community. But to
Prabhakaran a piece of paper signed in Oslo was not going to stop him
from bulldozing his way through anyone who stood in his way.
The Tigers considered it as the penultimate stage to their Eelam.
They had got the north and the east, got the borders legitimized in
an international agreement, got themselves recognized as “the sole
representatives of the Tamils”, got the GOSL to disarm its Tamil
opponents, got the forces confined to barracks, got the ban lifted as a
terrorist organization and all that remained was to push for the next
step of UDI with the blessings of some selected nations, starting
presumably with Norway. They were even seen as an invincible force in
the eyes of many of the pundits, including the misguided diplomats in
Western embassies. The Tamil Tigers considered it as declaration of
their equality of status with the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL). Based
on this notion of military balance of power, Velupillai Prabhakaran and
his emissary at negotiations, Anton Balasingham, took up
commanding position dictating terms to the Government of Sri Lanka
(GOSL), with Erik Solheim, the boozing buddy of Balasingham, playing
the obnoxious role of treating the Sri Lanka
delegation as those who should obey his commands. The Sri Lankan
delegation was privately grumbling in the corridors about the
high-handed and partisan role played by Solheim.
He was strutting the stage in Geneva as the Imperial Viceroy banking
primarily on the military balance that favoured the Tamil Tigers at the
time. He was treating both as two separate states with equal power. The
CFA which he helped to draft, with the inputs and consent of Balasingham
and the Indian South Bloc in Delhi, had virtually conceded this status
of parity. The GOSL delegation felt humiliated and they were seething
with impotent anger unable to assert their legal and political status as
representatives of a legitimate government with powers to override
interlopers like Solheim.
So when Mahinda Rajapaksa assumed his presidential seat in December
2005 he was virtually a prisoner of the legacy he inherited from the
failed regimes of Kumaratunga and Wickremesinghe. Their mishandling of
State affairs had led to the crowning of the Tamil Tigers in the CFA.
Prabhakaran had assumed the role of not only the king-maker in the south
but also the dictator of the unfolding events of the nation. He was
cocky and he declared in his annual birthday speech that he would give
some time for President Mahinda Rajapaksa, “a pragmatic man”, to come
out with a solution. It was a time when he did have the power to declare
war and/or peace at the time of his choosing.
Prabhakaran was, in short, in a position to dictate the national
agenda.
GOSL was reduced to the position of playing a reactive role to the
pro-active decision-making in the Vanni.
Mahinda Rajapaksa took the reins of office at this weak stage. His
position seemed hopeless with the international community, India,
Prabhakaran, NGOs and all the other anti-national elements, including
the UNP, ganging up to tie his hands behind his back. Besides,
Prabhakaran, who was riding high, did not give much time to come up with
a solution even though he promised to do so in his annual speech.
In fact, before Mahinda Rajapaksa could warm his presidential seat
the Tamil Tigers started firing at him. One of his major targets was the
Army Commander, Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka who narrowly escaped death. They
also planted a suicide bomber to assassinate President’s brother,
Gotabaya Rajapaksa who survived the attack at Pittala Junction, in the
heart of Colombo, with minor scrapes. The Tigers had succeeded in
violating 95% of the terms and conditions of the CFA with impunity and
he was hitting at the strategic centre of the State. Despite this
Rajapaksa Government had not option but to hang on perilously to the CFA
purely to be on the good side of the international community which had
brokered it.
At this stage, cramped by the humiliating conditions laid down in the
CFA, there was hardly any room for Mahinda Rajapaksa to manoeuvre. He
must have felt worse than young Dutugemunu who curled up in a foetal
position in bed refusing to stretch his limbs. Dutugemunu had only two
major obstacles to find his freedom: the sea in the South and the Tamil
invaders in the North.
Rajapaksa was hemmed in by multiple forces: the meddlesome West,
manipulative India behind the scenes, a disgruntled President of his
party, Chandrika Kumaratunga covertly and overtly working against him, a
negative media, anti-national NGOs, hired peace lobbies obstructing any
head-on confrontation with the Tigers, frustrated UNP in the opposition
trying to exploit every misstep to their advantage, a weakend military
locked inside a box and keys thrown away by the two previous regimes of
Chandrika Kumaratunga and Wickremesinghe, a feeble economy, climbing
debts and inflation, and a parliamentary political base that was very
shaky.
Mahinda Rajapaksa’s task was to lift the nation from this plight and
give hope to the war-weary people. It was a gigantic task. Faced with a
grim situation he turned wisely for help from his brothers: Gotabaya,
Basil and Chamal.
His critics pounced on this combination and tagged it as “Rajapaksa
Bros & Co”. Despite all the likely infirmities in such an arrangement it
has proved to be the best investment made by the President.
Broadly speaking, Mahinda had to fight on two major fronts: military
and political. Gotabaya stood as the sentinel in the military front and
Basil headed the political front. Collectively, the “Rajapaksa Bros &
Co” has come out on top. Though Mahinda is open to charges of nepotism
it is this factor that has saved the Presidency and the nation. Leading
in front “Rajapaksa Bros & Co” has turned around huge political losses
into gains.
It is rather difficult to find another political quartet like this.
Frankly, who cares if Basil, Gotabaya and Chamal are the President’s
brothers as long as they function effectively as partners in the
business of running the nation to fulfil the aspirations of the people?
“Who cares if the cats are grey or white as long as they catch the
mice?” asked Deng Tsiao Peng, who turned China around and set it on the
path to a new nationhood, lifting it from the bloody depths of the
Cultural Revolution - a self-centered movement of Mao to eliminate with
his rivals in the party.
Mahinda’s march from Mavil Aru too lifted the nation from the depths
of a crisis of gigantic proportions. When in the first stage of the
march the soldiers raised the national flag at Thoppigala the national
responded warmly and gratefully. Mahinda who seemed a novice when he
assumed office leapt into the consciousness of the nation as a doer,
achiever, and in the eyes of some, even saviour. The response of the
hard-nosed electorate too is the same. They look beyond the immediate
shortcomings into the larger benefits of the future. That is why they
reject Wickremesinghe time and time again and return Mahinda Rajapaksa.
The failure of the anti-government media blitz to influence the
electorate is mainly because the critics have lost credibility in the
first place and, second, the anti-national media have lost touch with
the grass roots. The media critics, carping on the negative side, are
dime a dozen. Remember how every Tom, Dick and Harry were attacking JRJ
for spending millions on the new parliament? Who remembers the critics
now? The oppositionists who led the chorus are now the main
beneficiaries of the new premises.
Remember also the media brouhaha about the construction of Kandalama
Hotel? Today the NGOs, including A. T. Ariyaratne and the newspaper
editors who were leading the anti-Kandalama campaign happen to be
frequent visitors to the place they demonized as an environmental
disaster. Contrary to their propaganda, Kandalama has been winning award
after award for environmental values.
History has a way of airbrushing the critics out of the main picture
and focusing essentially on the glories of the achievers. History
remembers only the essence that comes out of the mountainous labours of
humanity. If at all, the attacks of contemporary critics may be noted
only in passing, perhaps in a dismissive footnote; but in the mainstream
of history such attacks get washed away like water on a duck’s back.
That is why President Ranasinghe Premadasa stands out as a towering
figure in the public opinion polls and not his mediocre critics. He was
an achiever who worked for the people and their aspirations. Mahinda
Rajapaksa is an achiever of the same mould. What is more, with each
advancing step into the Vanni Mahinda Rajapaksa outstrips them all.
His greatness is in reversing a trend which was considered
irreversible.
The war was dismissed as an unwinnable task. So to come thus far,
from Mavil Aru to Madivadani’s birthplace is a monumental feat. We may
not like his brothers, we may not like his style, we may not even like
his scarf but what we cannot deny him is his courage in taking on a
mission impossible - and taking it head-on with great risks. His
political and media critics no doubt find his achievement an
inconvenient truth. But facts are stubborn.
If they don’t like it they can lump it. In time to come he will be
recognized for more than marching into Vanni. He will be recognized for
marching into history.
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