Baseless corruption charges do not hold water

by Victor IVAN

J.R. Jayewardene	President Mahinda Rajapaksa	Chandrika Kumaratunge

Corruption could be considered the most controversial topic in the run up to the Presidential elections. President Mahinda Rajapaksa and the Rajapaksa family members have become the main target of the Opposition. The Opposition leader, Ranil Wickremesinghe, has referred to this family as 'Anaconda' and added that while the country is falling prey to the 'anaconda' its defeat at the forthcoming Presidential election is an essential element for the country's future.

Corruption under whatever the regime is an important topic to be discussed at any election.

Our political system is always prone to corruption. It is a system which confers the authority and right to the party in power to acquire wealth illegally, in addition to running the country! After the introduction of this novel political system the political appointees under each administration got the opportunity to control the institutions causing under their purview as well as to receive kickbacks from transactions pursued by such bodies. It was called the "act of gratitude" for their political masters!

The new political system is so designed that the success of the contestants depends on their ability to inject heavy dozes of money into the game! Winners after the election however have their "losses" recouped out of the country's resources. Consequently, every party which has the reins of power at its hands could be said to be corrupt. Power and right to amass wealth illegally, a feature inbuilt in the system is the cardinal force which drives aspirants to seek political office. The motive behind Napoleon's mercenary forces pillaging foreign countries was not merely to seek prestige but to grab the booty which his rampaging soldiers could very well enjoy themselves!

Local politicians too have to follow within this new political system what Napoleon's mercenaries did.

The new system is J.R. Jayewardene's master creation. Although he could not be treated as over-greedy after wealth, yet he misused presidential powers to strengthen his economic status.

He exchanged his unproductive coconut lands with the Land Reform Commission for Keenakele Estate which is one of the most luxuriant coconut estates earlier vested with the government. Due to economic difficulties he got he government to acquire the land which had to be sold to the Chinese Embassy, and made available to the Chinese Embassy a very valuable State land at a mere pittance!

At Government cost he set up a museum at the premises bought back from the Chinese Embassy. Having said that he would donate his Ward place residence to the Government to set off his income tax arrears, he directed that this building which would become state property after his and his wife's demise be converted into a museum named after him to be maintained by the Government. He extended a helping hand to his family kindred and the near and dear to secure economic benefits. Business tycoons who provided financial assistance to his political activities were rewarded with opportunities to earn wealth. He also pursued a policy of allowing bank loans running into millions' and millions to be obtained without sureties and finally writing off such loans without being recovered. Also rich estate and urban lands owned by the Land Reform Commission were sold to members of his political establishment at a princely sum of Rs. 50, Rs. 100 a perch.

They were made affluent by providing the necessary facilities to set up big businesses.

Ministers or other political appointees in addition to their legitimate duties were given the green light to receive kickbacks from transactions such as purchases, sales or constructions taking place in those institutions falling under their ministries. An Auditor General who wanted to probe into corruption in institutions coming under the purview of the members of his group was 'sent home' ! The programme of privatising the State ventures turned out to be a political theft.

It is this uncouth political culture which J.R. Jayewardene introduced into this country which is still in force. Under this political dispensation a change of Government occurs after a long period of time unlike the practice of holding a general election after every five years under the previous first-past-the-post system. The first presidential executive experiment took as much as 17 years to permit a political change. Since then although 16 years have elapsed a political change is still awaited. Consequently this long term of office is also a formidable factor contributing to corruption.

Although the actual motive for power is greed for wealth, it is only the ruling party that enjoys itself the chance of amassing wealth via foul means and becomes the butt end of corruption allegations. At the same time the avowed objective of the Opposition which levels allegations of corruption against their rivals in power, is also to indulge in the same game by grabbing that opportunity!

The UPFA which remained in the Opposition during the 1994 general election contemptuously called the Wijetunga administration, the rule by Ali Baba and Forty Thieves! Whilst pledging to eradicate corruption outright, it further gave an undertaking that action would be taken to bring to book all those found responsible for large-scale corruption during the seventeen year long UNP regime! But after the change of government, the new administration became a parallel to 'Ali Baba and Forty Thieves'! A situation arose in which the surge of corruption, the legacy of UNP's seventeen year rule could move ahead uninterruptedly.

In the meantime Chandrika has stated that she has to sell her lands to make a living as she has not robbed! But the people in the country know it well. A Secretary to the Treasury (B.C. Perera) was sent "home" as he opposed the move to import railway engines from France during her regime. Those engines are at present lying beyond economic use, resulting in a massive erosion of resources. Ronnie Peiris, one of her close associates became 'new rich' thanks to the patronage extended by her. Ronnie Peiris alone received more than five transmission licences for which what he would have paid amounted to less than one lakh of rupees. On the contrary the proceeds of the sale of those licences would have amounted to more than hundreds of millions! A simple example which throws some light on the market price offered for a transmission licence is as follows: The Director General of the Telecommunication Regulatory Commission appointed by Chandrika during the last stages of her tenure of office relinquished his post after having got a transmission licence for himself. That licence was later sold to the Dialog Company for five million dollars or an approximate sum.

Had not the transmission licences been sold to the cronies surreptitiously for a mere pittance the exchequer would have realised more than 10,000 million rupees as State revenue if it was publicly auctioned.

The maximum revenue the Treasury earned would have amounted to less than Rs. 1,000,000 owing to the corruption - riddled situation in the country. Chandrika who talks of her difficulties left Presidency only after having transferred in her name a State land worth over millions of rupees and also diverting millions of rupees from the President Fund to a so-called Trust opened up in her name. She however, failed in these two transactions.

Since this political system itself is prone to corruption, only Rajapaksa administration cannot be an exception. Like all other administrations after 1977, it has also to be corrupt. Simultaneously we should not forget the fact that the Opposition crusade against Government corruption is not spearheaded by those of the calibre of Mr. Clean! They were also guilty of the sin of corruption and what they want is to substitute themselves for the Government and enjoy themselves the ill-gotton wealth.

Corruption is the most powerful weapon to be used to defeat a government during an election. The biggest allegation the Opposition has levelled against President Mahinda Rajapaksa and his family is that they have purchased property countrywide on a large-scale with ill-gotton gains.

Following are a few of the stories I came across during a span of six weeks relating to such transactions:

* When somebody told me that the Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa had purchased the Apollo Hospital I pointed out that if the Apollo Hospital was to be purchased the Insurance Corporation too has to be purchased and as it has to be done through the share market the change of ownership will not continue to be a secret for ever.

* A newly married couple from Weligama told me that the Rajapaksa family had purchased two hotels in the area. On my probing if found the story to be only a canard.

* A person from Galle told me the Rajapaksa family had bought over the Fingara Country Club, formally owned by the Ceylinco Group. On my verification a person knowledgeable about it, assured me that it has since been taken over by the Merchant Bank of Sri Lanka.

* Another story in which the Rajapaksa family had bought over the entire business venture of one Lionel of Pamburana, Matara a leading businessman of the area, proved to be devoid of truth on verification. Lionel has finally put up a banner at Matara town denying the sale of his business!

* That the Rajapaksa family had purchased Swarnawahini was heard from not only one but from many now and again.

Another canard to which the Opposition gave effect was that President Mahinda Rajapaksa has purchased the Australian High Commission land in Colombo at a colossal sum of money. It added, the building complex under construction therein is for Namal Rajapaksa. But the `Sunday Leader' has contradicted it in exposing the fact that the land has been purchased by Dhammika Perera and the building being constructed therein is for his use.

Despite the Opposition being able to spread a spate of rumours, none of them have been proved with facts and figures!

There was a countrywide organised attempt at spreading a host of unpleasant rumours against President Premadasa as well. One popular story was that several naked virgins had bathed him as a ritual to ward off any evil influence on him! This was published as a news-item in some newspapers whilst some people believed it to be a true story.

Like in Premadasa's time such canards appear in websites as well at times. In regard to a similar story appeared in E-News website, the following is what I heard from Benet Rupasinghe:

"A rumour spread among the mediamen to the effect that the Rajapaksa family had purchased a mansion named, 'White House' and its property in Colombo at an exorbitant sum.

It was merely a canard not supported by evidence. Yet it was surprising that it was published in E-News website. Subsequently, Benet Rupasinghe told me that the story was published in the Web-site on the assurance given by Sripathi Suriyaarachchi that he was in possession of the supportive documents. Later it was discovered that the story had become a source for President's anger. Therefore, when it was decided that all information relating to it should be published for reasons of security and when Sripathi was asked to produce the relevant documents he had none of them with him.

He later blackguarded Sripathi calling him a damn liar who puts others into trouble. But I do not know whether a correction was published later after verifying that the story was not true.

Although the Opposition has been able to paint President Mahinda Rajapaksa as an extremely corrupt person, they have so far except for the canards not proved such allegations with the required definitive evidence.

Despite the fact that no non-corrupt administration could survive within this political set-up, allegations that the Head of State is corrupt should be proved with definitive evidence but not with mere rumours alone. Then only the debate would be productive.

The Defence Secretary has stated that he has not purchased any property after being appointed Defence Secretary and though he did not publish his statement of assets and liabilities in the Defence Ministry website on instructions from President's Secretary, Lalith Weeratunga yet he is ready to provide copies of same to any interested party. It should be conceded that it is a very straightforward statement. Since the President's statement of assets and liabilities has been handed over to the Commissioner of Elections along with his nomination papers, it should be treated as a document available for verification or discussion as well.

The Opposition should not restrict its allegations to mere rumours alone but should prove them with definitive evidence. Surely there could be limitations but at this moment we should not forget the fact that both President and Defence Secretary are performing a very excellent job for the general well-being of the country at the risk of their lives.

The same importance should be attached to the Opposition candidate, General Sarath Fonseka as well.

(The above is a translation of an article written by the Editor of `Ravaya' newspaper in its issue of Dec. 27, 2009)