‘Reconciliation will be achieved through local efforts’
*No external guidance necessary
*Based on Lanka’s culture and values
Excerpts from the keynote address delivered
by Secretary of Defence Gotabaya Rajapaksa at the inaugural National
Conference on Reconciliation, hosted by the Lakshman Kadirgamar
Institute of International Relations and Strategic Studies last week.
The late Lakshman Kadirgamar was a great servant of this nation,
whose determined and selfless contributions to Sri Lanka were tragically
cut short by an LTTE sniper in August 2005. During his life, Mr.
Kadirgamar strongly believed that “People who live in Sri Lanka are
first and foremost Sri Lankans”. As this country builds its future on
the foundation of peace resulting from the defeat of terrorism, these
are words for us all to remember.
Sri Lanka’s experience with terrorism began in the 1970s. By the time
President Mahinda Rajapaksa assumed office in December 2005, terrorist
activities in this country had continued for nearly 30 years. During
these three decades, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam unleashed
waves of terror that caused untold suffering for all Sri Lankans. The
list of its atrocities is long.
The LTTE was relentless in its use of suicide cadre, car bombs, truck
bombs, and even light aircraft in carrying out these attacks to
destabilise Sri Lankan society, and it showed sophistication and
ruthlessness beyond any other terrorist group in the world in pursuing
its objectives.
The LTTE’s skill at political assassinations was another defining
feature of its campaign of terror. The most notable assassinations
carried out by the LTTE were the killing of former Indian Prime Minister
Rajiv Gandhi in 1991 and the killing of then Sri Lankan President
Ranasinghe Premadasa in 1993. The LTTE killed seven Cabinet Ministers,
37 Parliamentarians and more than 50 office bearing political figures
during its terror campaign. Its intention was to undermine Sri Lanka’s
democracy.
The overall impact of the LTTE’s terrorism was devastating. In
addition to the thousands of casualties it caused, the aura of fear and
uncertainty it created had a severe impact on all Sri Lankans. In areas
outside the LTTE’s control, ordinary peoples’ day-to-day lives were
transformed.
Parents did not travel together in the same vehicle for fear of
orphaning their children by getting caught in a bomb blast. Students’
school attendance dropped every time rumours spread about impending
terrorist attacks. Law and order deteriorated as terrorism fostered
crime and corruption. The underworld became more powerful and its
members gained access to arms and ammunition from various armed groups
operating in the country at large. An entire generation grew up under a
veil of fear.
In areas under LTTE dominance, matters were even worse. The LTTE did
not tolerate any opposition. It assassinated democratic leaders and
intellectuals in the Tamil community to style itself the sole
representative of the Tamil people.
In this effort, it killed such democratic politicians as former
Opposition Leader A. Amirthalingam, Secretary General of the Tamil
United Liberation Front, Y. Yogeshwaran and Dr. Neelan Tiruchelvam of
the same party, Sam Thambimuttu and K. Pathmanaba of the EPRLF.
In addition to moderate politicians, the LTTE also assassinated the
leaders of other armed groups in these areas. One occasion, the LTTE
even wiped out the entire command structure of groups it saw as
opponents. By eliminating all rivals, the LTTE was able to keep the
people in the areas it dominated under a virtual dictatorship. Though it
pretended, at its height, to have a judicial system and a police force,
these were shams constructed to disguise a territory ruled at gunpoint.
No one in those areas was truly safe; no one was truly free.
Apart from all this, the simple fact that a ruthless terrorist group
was operational in the country and dominated parts of its territory had
a devastating impact on Sri Lanka’s prospects. The economy stagnated.
Infrastructure development could not be given due priority. Large areas
of fertile land were inaccessible for agriculture. Restrictions on sea
movements affected the fishing industry. Bad publicity and adverse
travel advisories kept tourists away. Industrialisation was virtually
halted as both local and foreign investment slowed to a trickle. Many of
our best and brightest sought to build safer lives for themselves away
from Sri Lanka, resulting in brain drain. Most of the economic growth
that took place was localised in the Western Province and the largest
cities in the other provinces. The North and the East were virtually
isolated. The political, social and economic costs of terrorism set back
Sri Lanka’s national progress by many years.
People’s mandate
When Mahinda Rajapaksa was elected to the Presidency in 2005, he had
a mandate from the people to end terrorism once and for all. This was a
daunting task. Four previous presidents as well as several successive
governments comprising various political parties had grappled with the
issue of LTTE terrorism without success. Over the years, a range of
different approaches including military campaigns, peace talks, and even
international mediation had been tried. None had succeeded.
The first peace talks took place in 1985 in Thimpu, Bhutan. The LTTE
was one of several Tamil groups participating in these talks. During the
ceasefire granted by the Government to facilitate the talks, it
strengthened itself militarily. After the talks failed, the LTTE used
the military advantage it had gained to systematically attack and
decimate the other Tamil groups. By 1987, when the Indian intervention
occurred at a time the Sri Lankan Government was in a position to end
the conflict militarily, the LTTE was the dominant militant group. Its
refusal to surrender arms and its many provocations during that period
led to the Indian Peace Keeping Force becoming combatants in the
conflict. Eventually, more than 1,100 soldiers of the IPKF were killed
and over 2,700 wounded in combat with the LTTE.
By 1989, the LTTE was weakened and once again sought the respite of a
ceasefire. As a gesture of goodwill, the Government requested the IPKF
to leave Sri Lanka. In June 1990, in the middle of peace talks with the
Government, the LTTE unilaterally broke the ceasefire and returned to
violence. It launched severe attacks against Muslim civilians, killing
nearly 150 during prayers at Kathankudy and more than 170 in Eravur,
Batticaloa. It then expelled the 75,000 Muslim residents of Jaffna.
LTTE violence continued until October 1994, when the Government once
again offered to negotiate in the hope of a peaceful settlement. The
ceasefire entered into was once again unilaterally broken by the LTTE in
1995 when they destroyed naval gunboats at Trincomalee harbour. Not long
after, the LTTE used Surface to Air missiles obtained during the
preceding ceasefire to shoot down aircraft of the Sri Lanka Air Force.
Despite the long history of LTTE treachery during peace talks, the
Government continued trying to end the conflict through peaceful means.
In 2001, the Norwegian-facilitated peace process commenced. The LTTE
never took action to address any substantive issues during this period.
Instead, it exploited all the concessions granted under the ceasefire to
strengthen itself militarily. The LTTE acquired new arms, ammunition and
equipment, including light aircraft. The LTTE recruited more cadre,
including child soldiers, and its strength grew to 25,000. Although the
peace process was stalled and the ceasefire was nominally in place, it
was clear that the LTTE was gearing for war just as it had done during
each previous peace process.
Insincerity, opportunism
Despite the LTTE’s history of insincerity and its opportunism during
the ceasefire period, President Rajapaksa was keen to restart the
stalled peace process as soon as he was elected into office. His
intention was to resolve the conflict peacefully.
Towards this end, he repeatedly requested the LTTE to come for direct
talks with the Government. Instead of responding genuinely, the LTTE
misused the attempted peace talks in 2006 and intensified its
provocative behaviour. It relentlessly attacked key military targets,
including our highest-ranking officers, and continued to carry out acts
of mindless violence against innocent civilians.
The Government bore these provocations with patience for many months,
until the LTTE threatened a major humanitarian disaster by shutting down
the sluice gates at Maavilaru in July 2006.
Over 9,500 Muslims, 8,000 Sinhalese and 4,400 Tamils were left
without access to water by this inhuman act, and immediate action was
needed to prevent a major catastrophe. When all peaceful efforts to
resolve the problem failed, the Government had no option but to launch a
limited military operation to reopen the sluice gates.
During the initial stages of that operation, the LTTE attacked
military positions around the Trincomalee harbour and launched attacks
in the North shortly afterwards. It was clear that the closure of the
Maavilaru sluice gate had only been the LTTE’s first move in a
well-planned offensive. Because of the immediate threat to strategic
military positions, the Government expanded the limited operation that
had been launched to liberate Maavilaru.
Considering the long history of the LTTE’s atrocities against the
people of Sri Lanka and its repeated rejections of all efforts for a
peaceful settlement, including those efforts with international
mediation, the Government decided to rid the country of the LTTE menace
once and for all. In three and a half years, that objective was
achieved.
Today, Sri Lanka is a nation at peace. As a result of the
Humanitarian Operation to defeat terrorism, the primary obstacle to Sri
Lanka’s prospects - the LTTE - has been removed.
In looking back at what has happened over the last two years, the
benefits this country has gained through dismantling the LTTE are very
clear. The senseless killing has stopped. Irrespective of ethnicity,
religion or political affiliation, all Sri Lankans are reaping the
rewards of peace. The quality of life has improved tremendously. With
the constant threat of terrorism removed, people can live their lives in
full and without fear. Sri Lanka today is not only one of the most
secure and stable countries in Asia, but in the entire world.
Perhaps the most heartening outcome of the dawn of peace has been the
freedom of movement that all Sri Lankans finally enjoy. People are able
to travel throughout the entire country without being impeded; the
numbers travelling from North to South, and vice versa, are truly
remarkable. The number of expatriates travelling to the North is also
extremely noteworthy. This is a very encouraging sign, and one of the
great benefits of the restoration of peace.
Another critical gain from peace is the holding of free and fair
elections in every part of Sri Lanka. Local authority elections,
provincial council elections, a Presidential election and a General
election have all been held over the past two years. In the areas
formerly dominated by the LTTE, people exercised their franchise without
fear for the first time in three decades. The fact that political
plurality has returned to these areas is clear from the results of these
elections. The swift restoration of democracy to those parts of Sri
Lanka previously under LTTE dominance is something to be proud of.
Further, it needs to be noted that many former militants are now
playing an active role in politics. Their participation in the political
process demonstrates the robustness of Sri Lanka’s democracy, and
highlights the focus on reconciliation.
The economy is also showing marked signs of improvement. With
thousands of acres of arable land once again accessible, and key
irrigation infrastructure being restored, agriculture is poised to
expand significantly in the coming years. With the removal of the
restrictions that had to be enforced due to terrorism, the fishing
industry has already rebounded and registered tremendous growth.
With the withdrawing of adverse travel advisories and the knowledge
that the country is finally at peace, tourist arrivals have increased
significantly. Local and foreign investment is on the rise, and new
commercial activity is starting to take place in previously ignored
areas. Sri Lanka is finally in a position to realise the economic
potential that has been pent up for so many years.
The return of peace, the restoration of freedom and democracy, and
the prospect of a resurgent economy have all been made possible by the
success of the Humanitarian Operation. However, it should be noted that
the rump of the LTTE is still active outside Sri Lanka, and is still
attempting to tarnish the image of this nation and set back the peace
that was achieved two years ago.
We must remain vigilant, and not allow ourselves to be divided or
distracted by their destructive agenda. Having been so closely linked
with the terrorist cause, they seem unable to let go of their outmoded
ideas and face the reality of a united and peaceful Sri Lanka. Instead
of providing any support for the on-going reconstruction and
reconciliation efforts, the sole interest of these parties is in casting
aspersions against the Government.
The true commitment of the Government to all its citizens can be
gauged by the actions it took in the aftermath of the Humanitarian
Operation in 2009. It is important to understand that the Government
faced several immense challenges at that time, and it should be
appreciated that these challenges were met with great professionalism.
Without doubt, the most pressing issue of concern in the aftermath of
the Humanitarian Operation was housing the 294,000 Displaced People who
had served as the LTTE’s human shield. The villages and towns they had
been displaced from had been mined heavily by the LTTE during the last
stages of the Humanitarian Operation, and it was impossible for them to
safely return to their homes until those areas had been completely
demined and made safe for habitation. Taking care of such a large number
was a tremendous undertaking that involved a concerted effort by the
Government machinery, together with assistance from various
international actors, including the UN organisations and other agencies.
While the displaced were being looked after in the camps, the
Government, together with several Non Governmental Organisations such as
the Danish Demining Group, the Foundation Suisse de Deminage and the
Sarvatra demining group of India, worked hard to demine the towns and
villages in the North and make them habitable once again. The Corps of
Engineers of the Sri Lanka Army did the bulk of the work, with
assistance from several foreign governments and international
organisations. As demining progressed, the displaced were resettled in
their places of origin.
Today, only 3,173 families remain to be resettled, and less than
3,000 remain in camps. Most of the displaced who are yet to be resettled
come from areas caught up in heavy fighting during the last stages of
the Humanitarian Operation. While the clearing of those areas takes
place, they will be given houses in adjacent, unaffected land and given
the option of moving back to their homes once they are certified as
safe.
It must be stressed that the speed at which demining has taken place
is remarkable, considering the extent of the problem that the LTTE
caused. To date, more than 42,000 Antipersonnel Mines, 227 Antitank
Mines and more than 15,000 items of Unexploded Ordnance have been
recovered from these areas.
Former cadre
Another issue that faced the Government was dealing with the more
than 11,000 former LTTE cadre who surrendered or were detained by the
military during the course of the Humanitarian Operation. All of them
were sorted according to their level of involvement in the LTTE’s
activities. Cadre with known higher-level involvement in LTTE atrocities
were separated and identified for prosecution. The vast majority of
former combatants, however, had a lower level of involvement in LTTE
activities, and were therefore sent for rehabilitation.
Rehabilitation was an area of particular concern to the Government,
as its intention was to reintegrate the former combatants to normal
society as soon as possible. This is an important consideration in terms
of reconciliation, and it is heartening to note that the work done in
this regard to date has been very successful.
All programs were conducted under the close supervision of the
Commissioner General of Rehabilitation, and they were geared towards
ensuring that the former combatants could readjust to normal life and
reintegrate with society.
Careful attention was given to the care of the 595 LTTE Child
Soldiers in Government custody; they were rehabilitated under a program
assisted by UNICEF, and sent back to their families within one year. I
am happy to note that several former child soldiers successfully passed
their Advanced Level examination, and some even gained entry to medical
school.
The Government has provided numerous forms of assistance to help
citizens in the North lead normal lives. Infrastructure development is
being carried out at a rapid pace. Major programs are under way to
develop the road network, the railway track, electricity grid, and
irrigation infrastructure. The tanks and irrigation canals are back to
full working condition and agriculture can now flourish in the North.
Indeed, a great deal of produce from this area is now coming into
markets in the rest of the country.
Support has been extended for the restoration of livelihoods, with
schemes to provide concessionary financing to people seeking to engage
in farming, fishing, agriculture and business. Through all these means,
the Government is doing everything it can to restore normalcy to these
civilians, who had suffered for so many years during their virtual
isolation from the rest of the country because of the LTTE.
We need to understand that this long period of isolation has caused
several other issues. An entire generation grew up knowing nothing but
strife. As a result of being under the LTTE for almost 30 years, most of
the civilians in these areas were brainwashed into fearing the
Government. By demonising the Government and the majority Sinhalese, the
LTTE created a fear psychosis that is only slowly disappearing. The
Government has already done a great deal to dispel this psychosis. More
is required.
Grass roots level requirements
It is absolutely essential that the parties in the democratic
mainstream understand the grass roots level requirements of the people
and refrain from pushing a divisive agenda purely for political gain. It
is clear that some politicians wish to promote an agenda not very
different from what the LTTE wanted to achieve. They make baseless
allegations against the Government to this day, and have failed to
recognise the Government’s genuine efforts. Instead, they distort the
true picture of what is taking place and continue to promote ethnic
divisions for political gain. This is extremely unfortunate.
Heritage and ethnic identity are important, and it is important to
foster them. However, instead of thinking only along ethnic lines and
continuing to focus primarily on what differentiates people at the
expense of what they have in common, we should look at forging a
national identity first and foremost as Sri Lankans.
There is no communal tension in the Colombo of today; instead, it is
a shining example of a thriving multicultural hub where people of all
communities live side by side in harmony. They identify themselves first
and foremost as Sri Lankans.
Replicating the success of Colombo throughout Sri Lanka is largely a
function of time, economic development, and the breaking down of any
misperceptions that still remain. All Sri Lankans require and deserve
equality and equal opportunity. As a nation, Sri Lanka needs to address
any complaints of discrimination that exist in society. It is
fundamentally important that all Sri Lankans feel equal to one another,
and that nobody feels that their ethnicity, language, religion, caste,
gender or political beliefs stands in the way of their opportunities.
In actual fact, is should be noted that there are very few such
barriers prevailing in today’s society. If we look at the universities,
it is evident that students from all communities pursue studies in a
variety of fields. In all professions, whether it is medicine,
engineering, law, academia or business, each and every community is very
well represented. Even in the one area in which minority communities
were under-represented—that is, the military and the police—the
Government has taken action to redress the balance. Steps have also been
taken to encourage public servants to learn Tamil. These initiatives
will help ensure that no Sri Lankan has cause to feel disadvantaged in
their interactions with the State, irrespective of the language they
speak.
Unfortunately, the conversation in the political sphere focuses less
on such basic initiatives, and more on abstract political ideals that
will only lead to further differentiation rather than assist
reconciliation. It must be said that this is not done with any true
feeling for the needs of the people, but to safeguard existing political
advantages and further personal agendas. Race politics has long been a
crutch for politicians who do not have constructive ideas.
It is extremely sad that there are still a number of politicians in
Sri Lanka who cannot rise above this petty instinct. It is even more
unfortunate that there are some in the international community who
wittingly or unwittingly exploit this petty instinct to rekindle the
flames of communal disharmony in Sri Lanka. They do this by complaining
about certain issues in relation to the Humanitarian Operation.
The first issue they focus on is accountability. In the aftermath of
the Humanitarian Operation, various people started making various claims
about the number of civilians killed and missing during the last stages
of the conflict. Nevertheless, the Government has been conscious of the
need to address this issue through a proper assessment.
Professional approach
The approach the Government took in this regard was a very
professional one. The Department of Census and Statistics, which is the
official Government arm for these matters, conducted a complete census
of the concerned area. In keeping with the usual practice, Government
servants of the relevant districts were tasked with carrying out the
work. In the questionnaire that was used, the issue of people who died
and went missing during the Humanitarian Operation was specifically
addressed. With the completion of the census, it has been possible to
identify, specifically by name, all such persons. The census is now in
the process of finalisation, and the relevant information will be
released in the near future.
It is important to note that number of dead and missing in this
forthcoming census will include people in the following categories:
* Those who died of natural causes
* Those who died of accidents
* Those who left this country through illegal means, particularly by
boat to India or to South East Asia, and from there to the West
* Those who died whilst fighting as members of the LTTE
* Those who died as a result of being coerced to fight by the LTTE
* Those who died as a result of resisting the LTTE—for which we have
ample evidence through other sources, including aerial footage. There is
also new gruesome evidence that has come to light, which will be made
known to the public very soon, about how the LTTE killed injured cadre
and even young children who were housed in a church during this time.
* The final category of deaths are those that occurred due to
military action.
It is only for the deaths of people in this last category that the
Sri Lankan Military can bear any responsibility. As a result of the
census, we already know that the real number of dead and missing is far
too small to provide any substance to the absurd allegations of genocide
and war crimes that have been made against our Military by the rump of
the LTTE and their cronies.
Another fact that needs to be understood is that the Sri Lankan
Military was engaged in fighting a formidable foe. The LTTE was not far
behind the Sri Lankan Military in the arms, ammunition and equipment
that it had at its disposal. It also had 25,000 cadre in its ranks at
the time the Humanitarian Operation commenced. During the three and a
half years of this Operation, 6,000 personnel of the Sri Lanka Armed
Forces were killed in action. Another 25,000 were severely injured. This
should give some indication of the ferocity of the fighting that was
taking place.
LTTE casualties
Then it should be evident the number of LTTE casualties should be
comparable or higher. However, this consideration gets almost no
attention when allegations are made about the number of dead and missing
during the conflict. It is almost as if those who make allegations about
the deaths in battle are under the impression that the Sri Lankan
Military was fighting phantoms. The manifest absurdity of this
underscores the lack of perspective of those who make these claims.
The second major issue focused on by those who criticise Sri Lanka
concerns impunity. Again, those who level this criticism have very
little understanding of the true picture. In 2003, Ranil Wickremesinghe,
who was then Prime Minister, requested the United States Department of
Defence to study the situation in Sri Lanka and make a detailed report.
The team that visited Sri Lanka carefully analysed the threat posed
by the LTTE and the capability of the Sri Lankan military to meet that
threat. This team’s report commends the professionalism of the Sri
Lankan military, with a particular emphasis on the excellence of the
officer cadre and its wealth of practical knowledge. The report states:
“The strength of the Army is undoubtedly their impressive soldiers who
endure tremendous hardship while maintaining a fighting spirit that has
prevented more drastic defeats. They have an impressive training program
using Special Forces and Commandos to improve their individual and small
unit training. They also have an excellent training site at Maduru Oya.”
The praise contained in this Department of Defence report is
unsurprising. Our officer cadre comprises people of high calibre, who
receive ample local training, including university education, as well as
training in many prestigious military academies all over the world. The
training of those selected to the elite Special Forces and Commando
units is comprehensive and extremely professional. In keeping with the
professionalism of the Sri Lankan Military, the Humanitarian Operation
was conducted with a great deal of precision and care.
However, it needs to be understood that during the three and a half
year period of the Humanitarian Operation, the Sri Lankan Military had
to be expanded at a rapid pace. In the circumstances, it is possible
that a few individuals who lacked the capacity to withstand the
pressures with the required composure may have been recruited. This is
not unusual, and there have been unfortunate examples of excesses by
individuals in each and every war that has been fought, whether in the
World Wars, Vietnam, Afghanistan or Iraq.
The Sri Lankan Military, as a professional fighting force, has robust
internal mechanisms to minimise the occurrence of crimes during warfare
as well as deal with any who commit them. With the assistance of the
ICRC, the UNDP and other organisations, Sri Lankan Military personnel
have undergone extensive training on Human Rights and International
Humanitarian Law during the past several years. Human Rights cells exist
in each division, brigade and battalion of the Sri Lanka Army, and these
cells provide assistance to the inquiries of the Military Police as well
as the civil police in case of any complaints being lodged.
Investigations
During the course of the Humanitarian Operations, investigations were
conducted on all allegations, including those concerning major offences
including murder, rape and sexual abuse. Swift action was taken by the
Military to punish those individuals found guilty of such crimes. Action
was also pursued in the civil courts. If, in future, any substantial
evidence is provided on crimes committed by its personnel, the Sri
Lankan Military will not hesitate to take appropriate action.
In this context, it must also be stressed that the Government is
committed to following through on its responsibilities in terms of
accountability. The Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission
appointed by the President in 2009 has gone into all matters concerned
with the conflict. Its report has been handed over to the President, and
if there are any specific allegations or evidence of crimes therein,
investigations will be undertaken and action taken against those
involved. The Government is also committed to implementing general
recommendations made by the LLRC with regard to reconciliation.
However, it must be borne in mind that on all these matters, Sri
Lanka will act on its own accord. As a sovereign nation with a rich
culture and a proud heritage, Sri Lanka does not need external guidance
to achieve reconciliation. This will be achieved through an organic,
local effort consistent with our culture and our values, and not based
on external ideals others try to impose on us. It is evident that
cultural norms differ from country to country. People living abroad have
no proper understanding of the ground situation in Sri Lanka nor do they
understand our current cultural context.
It is not for outsiders to impose their values or their judgements on
Sri Lanka. It is the same Sri Lankans who suffered from the ravages of
LTTE terrorism for 30 years and who are now reaping the rewards of peace
that will find solutions to our national issues—not outsiders.
Sri Lanka today is a nation striving to achieve prosperity on the
foundation of peace resulting from the defeat of terrorism.
Reconciliation is an essential part of this endeavour, and it is one
that will be achieved.
As we step forward into a peaceful and prosperous future, I have
every confidence that all of us, irrespective of our ethnicity,
religion, caste, gender or political affiliation, will put aside our
differences and work and live together. We will first and foremost be
Sri Lankans. |