DLF’s 12th anniversry:

We go forward with the people for the people

The Democratic Left Front (DLF) which celebrates its 12th anniversary this December offers a political programme; based on the understanding that the principal contradiction lies between the latest forms of imperialism and the people in the world.

However DLF does not subscribe to the false theory of National Capitalism. No capitalist in general, supports the UPFA as against the UNP which is the longstanding agency of imperialism.

It was the case even during the times of colonial rule and our independence struggle. We are convinced through our historical experience that the struggle for independence for sovereignty of our country was entirely dependent on the masses of people including sections of the Buddhist clergy, the rural professionals, landless tillers, petty traders and entrepreneurs, organic intellectuals and the working classes above all.

The basic slogans that moved these masses into a new national and democratic consciousness were national independence, democratic rights, social welfare, the land redistribution and unification of the nation.

Some of these objectives were partially or fully realised by the intervention of the masses in democratic struggles and the elections which resulted in the formation of progressive governments.

However the collapse of the Soviet Union and the consequent change in the world balance of forces resulted in a new global phase of barbaric capitalism. Undoubtedly this placed certain constraints on pro-people policies of governments. In the case of some governments neo liberalism was embraced as a new religion and the markets considered their temple and the dollar was their god.

Yet some others resisted and struggled to sustain pro people policies as far as they could. The DLF has kept its full faith in these forces which had over time become crystalised as the peoplist (not populist) camp in the local political arena.

The foundation of the DLF was a result of a sharp debate within the NSSP (Nawa Sama Samãja Pakshaya), regarding the theory, strategy and tactics of United Front Action. A section (minority) argued that the NSSP should become a part of the UPFA then under Chandrika’s leadership and contest the 1994 elections as a strategy of the party and moved together with the people’s camp.

This was opposed by the majority in the Central Committee of the NSSP who condemned such a coalition as opportunist. Precisely our difference with NSSP lies here in that we propose to move with the people instead of being ahead of the people.

At this time the DLF, (our section of the NSSP) had no assurance of even one candidature within the UPFA in the impending elections, but yet we stood for a decision which we thought was correct in strategy. Comrade Vasudeva was nominated for Ratnapura district only due to comrade Justin of the LSSP stepping down to accommodate Vasu.

In the elections he came on top of the list vindicating the DLF and its position regarding UPFA peoples’ radicalism. The nomination of Vasudeva and the results obtained further strengthened the theoretical position of the DLF that there is embedded in the UPFA and even the SLFP radicalizing sections who has the potential of being the driving force of history.

This was further proved when the JVP candidates fared extremely well in the 2000 elections when they contested as a part of the UPFA.

The major obstacle in the path of the UPFA’s radical forces to push their way forward lies in the structure of the constitution.

Despite all the neo liberal pressures from within and outside, 2005 manifesto of Mahinda Rajapaksa boldly declared that there will be no privatisations if he was elected.

This was unique in South Asia and in many other third world countries: what is important here is that such major policy statements entered into the manifesto of Mahinda Rajapaksa only under the influence of the radical peoplist forces of the UPFA.

In fact and in general the Mahinda Chintanaya, a peoples’ manifesto reflected the conflict between Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s neoliberal slavishness and the peoples’ resistance to it from within the UPFA camp.

The consciousness of the people and their collective expression is not only radicalised by events, but also remoulded and set in new trajectory by the experience of history. The transiting from Capitalism (comprador) to socialism has been re-imagined by the people.

The people are now prepared to wait for the socialist world order and until then to take advantage of the international trends as much it must reach out for reforms as against neo-liberal counter reforms.

They too will not fall from the skies except through mass actions including elections. The course will be determined by the balance of forces in general and inside the UPFA and the country in particular.

The DLF verily believes in the maturing objective conditions and its own ability to inspire, educate and mobilize the layers of organic leaders in the people’s camp to bring to bear on the government the influence and aspirations of the people.

If only the constitution is changed to return the power to the elected members, the people’s power will rush into the government and the radical process that follows.

This could even provoke the counter revolution which will have to be met by the revolutionary peoples’ power and immediately set up the people’s elected councils in areas and institutions to back the new transformation. Leaving aside the main forces of the social movement and impatiently straying away from the radical mainstream can hardly serve any progressive purpose.

The myth of socialism in respective countries too has become negated. In a few countries the role of the markets is managed within a regulated economy in the national interest and the people’s wellbeing.

No arguments are necessary any more to prove the destructive anti-people, anti-human character of Neo Liberal economics as the events in the west are speaking for themselves now.

But the ultimate riddance of this menacing phase will be determined by the people of the USA hand in hand with the rest of the world.

The Vietnam war ended somewhat in this manner. The advanced layers of our camp should be influenced and inspired by what we do and say. We must give voice to the stirring views and feelings of the organic leaders and conscious layers of our society.

The left must relate to the SLFP in lively discussions at all levels about what changes we want to see in the immediate future, for example a change in the constitution and the electoral system. We want the radicalising Tamils and Muslims drawn into this dialogue.

Therefore, we need to voice strongly the rights of the Tamils and the Muslims to a state of equality and right of self-governance in their respective areas, where they are predominant. The unification of the nation is a result of this process.

We are with the people by being with the government and not the other way about. The people in our camp would look up to the left as the guarantors of their hopes and aspirations.