Re-discovering Lanka’s place in today’s Asia
Long War, Cold Peace:
Sri Lanka's Worth-South Crisis
Author: Dayan Jayatilleka
Reviewed by N. Sathiya Moorthy
It is not always that a work of non-fiction, however current and
relevant the title and topic be, goes into a second print within a year
of its publication. It is also not always that public discourse ensues
on the book, however, elitist and academic it be, and the contents
become the topic of a seminar.
It is not always, again, that the author concerned takes time and
effort to incorporate the valid among the suggestions made at the
seminar in the ‘revised’ edition of the book within a year.
Colombo-based scholar-diplomat Dayan Jayatilleka’s Long War, Cold
Peace: Sri Lanka’s North-South Crisis has all this and more.
Every page of the book is replete with words of wisdom that reflect
the author’s scholarship, authoritative academic background and
painstaking preparations of a political scientist.
Dr Jayatilleka’s early background as one from the global Left, who
got frustrated by and with the local Left-leaning JVP militancy, and
also possible excessive expectations from the Tamil-Left in Sri Lanka,
too, stands out in the process.
This is both a plus and a minus in the book, as the author, the first
Sinhala Minister in the short-lived government of Chief Minister
Varadaraja Perumal of the once-unified North-Eastern Province, seems to
be viewing the Tamil ethnic cause and violence through the combined
prism of the Sinhala Left and the Tamil Left, apart from elements of
humanism visible in strands of global Left of the past (as long as it
did not hurt the host, be it the Soviet Union, China or Cuba). Yet, the
book is not about any of these countries, or all of them. It is still
all about Sri Lanka, and Sri Lanka’s ethnic issue alone.
Jayatilleka has also used the occasion to review the roles played by
international players over the past years. It includes India’s
‘Operation parippu’ as Sri Lankans are wont to call rather derisively
but is the proud and responsible moment of ‘Operation Garland’ for India
and Indians, and also the IPKF induction that followed what the author
too claims was the forced signing of the Rajiv-Jayewardene Accord
(1987).
Yet, he is all praise for the Accord and the Thirteenth Amendment,
which he seems to acknowledge has enough in it, if implemented in full,
to ensure that the ‘cold peace’ after the ‘long war’ does not remain so
-- forever.
India’s abstention
In the contemporary India-Sri Lanka context, Jayatilleka takes the
reader back to the first post-war UNHRC vote on Sri Lanka, in May 2009.
Unlike as was being argued in Sri Lanka after India voted for the
US-sponsored motions in 2012 and 2013, and in Tamil Nadu following the
Indian abstention this year, he points out how India took the principled
position when it came to (not) compromising the sovereignty of a nation,
and how the latest Indian decision had its roots in the 2009 resolution.
Needless to point out, the 2009 resolution, moved and passed by
‘friends of Sri Lanka’, was the basis for the latter setting up the
Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC), to probe ‘war
crimes’ and suggest remedies for this and larger issues of ethnic divide
and plurality.
In 2012 and 2013, the US resolutions stuck to this formulation, so
India voted in favour. In 2014, the Anglo-American draft moved away from
the known Indian position, and recommended an ‘independent probe’, which
in India’s eyes, challenged Sri Lanka’s sovereignty.
In ensuring as much in 2009, Jayatilleka, who was Sri Lanka’s
Permanent Representative (PR) for the UN in Geneva in the crucial
2007-09 period — he later did a stint as his nation’s Ambassador in
Paris — explains how they could put together a non-aligned group of
nations and strategised together to ensure the early defeat of a EU
motion against Sri Lanka, pending since 2006 — and how this ‘collective
diplomacy’ was given a go-by in 2012 and later.
It may have been because of the fact that Sri Lanka was busy with the
post-war situation back home in 2009, and politicians left policy-makers
to do their job effectively, but in subsequent years, the country was
preoccupied with international diplomacy.
Needless to point out, the large contingent of the Sri Lankan
political class and other hangers-on made news in Geneva in 2012, and
for all the wrong reasons.
Though posted away in Paris at the time, Jayatilleka may have left a
gap in the narration and his analysis of what many Sri Lankans at least
feel was/is a political and diplomatic fiasco for no fault of the
diplomat. There is also the other gap, where no mention is made of the
fortnight-long ceasefire by Sri Lankan Government troops in the first
half of May 2009, and the Indian role in making it possible — both of
which have been forgotten since.
Ultra-nationalists and ‘Tamil separatists’
The story also needs to be told on what needs to done to ensure
permanent peace in the country – not of the graveyard type but with
equal rights, and equitable responsibilities, for the Tamils in the
country?
Thus far, the post-war ethnic discourse, as used to be the case
through the war years, has revolved around the eternally uncompromising
positions taken by the ‘ultra-nationalists’ of the Sinhala-Buddhist
variety on the one hand, and ‘Tamil separatists’ of the Diaspora variety
on the other.
Between the South and the North of the country lies the large middle
ground, which has not been explored in socio-political and
socio-economic terms, for identifying possible solutions. Such a course
could help marginalise the extremists on either side of the ethnic
divide, whose tunes alone the political leaderships continue to sing on
the ground – and dance too.
Jayatilleka has flagged the themes for the new discourse that has
eluded Sri Lanka thus far: “I think, we must rediscover, reflect on and
revaluate the past, but not stay mired in it as we tend to do.
We must look to the future. We are not only what we have been. We are
not only what we were.
We are what we can make of ourselves.” “So, while we talk about Asia,
we are not really part of today’s Asia at all…We…must adopt our own
version of the 21st century Asian model, which is one of meritocracy,
multi-ethnicity and multiculturalism…
We are really displaying an island mentality...the proverbial frog in
the well…Our identity as Sri Lankans must include a strong commitment to
equity and fair play… In the name of Sri Lankan identity, do we want to
lower our standards…? Or, do we want to excel in Asia and the world once
again…?”
This part of the story remains to be told in greater detail —
including for instance, how the ultra-nationalist Sinhala-Buddhist JVP
during its militant avatar and the LTTE never ever targeted each other
but were only using each other to create the political space to target
their own people on the one hand, and the Sri Lankan State on the other
— simultaneously yet separately.
The two have since given political space to purportedly moderate
faces in the even more influential JHU (no relation of the JVP) rather
than the post-insurgency, ‘mainstreamed’ JVP, and also the Tamil
National Alliance (TNA). Jayatilleka’s pen is capable of telling that
story, too, and also expand on his current theme of ‘re-discovering’ Sri
Lanka’s place in the 21st century Asia — and the world.
- The Hindu
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