Life and times of former Speaker
Mohamed Haniffa Mohamed who passed away on April 26
at the age of 95 :
By Pramod de Silva
October 7, 1991. This was to be a watershed date in Sri Lanka's
political annals. An impeachment motion that would set the stage for the
ouster of the incumbent Executive President was placed with the Speaker
for the first time in local political history. It had 127 signatures of
MPs. Even the word "impeachment" (and the equivalent Sinhala term "Doshabiyogaya")
was unheard of until then. The entire country was collectively holding
its breath, waiting for the Speaker's decision.

M.H. Mohamed |
The President in question was Ranasinghe Premadasa, whose popularity
was at a low ebb following internal turmoil in the UNP that saw several
leading frontliners break its ranks. These dissidents including Lalith
Athulathmudali and Gamini Dissanayake, who felt marginalized under the
Premadasa administration, had secretly gathered signatures for an
Impeachment motion against the President from both sides of the
political divide.
The Speaker at the time was M.H. Mohamed, the veteran politician from
Central Colombo and Mayor of Colombo from 1960-1962 who was widely known
as a key pillar of the UNP. In fact, he was the first Muslim politician
to hold the Mayor's post. Mohamed, the 14th Speaker of the Sri Lankan
Parliament, had a no-nonsense approach to affairs of the House. He
easily filled the shoes of his predecessor in the post E.L. Senanayake
and quickly won the confidence of both ruling party and opposition
members. When the Impeachment saga came around, Mohamed was already two
years into his job.
The impeachment saga was in 'motion' for quite some time. President
Premadasa's attempts to get the process stopped did not bear any fruit.
The movers of the impeachment motion handed their document to the
Speaker on August 28, 1991.
As a matter of courtesy and formality, he informed the President that
he had accepted the impeachment motion. The acceptance signified that
the Speaker had reason to believe the President deserved to be brought
before a Court of Law.
In the interim, even in those pre-Internet days, versions of the
impeachment motion had leaked and almost everyone in the country
basically knew what the charges were. They were of a very serious nature
which essentially argued that the President was no longer fit to hold
office.
Premadasa, and by extension the UNP, were not happy with Mohamed's
role in the process. Many Premadasa loyalists thought the Speaker should
not have accepted the motion at all. The party's fury was naturally
directed at Mohamed, who was removed from the Borella organizer's post
soon after accepting the impeachment papers. Even his son, Hussain
Mohamed, the then mayor of Colombo was targeted for harassment. Many
Premadasa loyalists attacked Mohamed in and out of Parliament.
However, there is another twist in this tale. Although Mohamed
received the papers, he was yet to include it in the Parliament's Order
Paper for whatever reason. President Premadasa's camp was also keen to
ensure that the motion was not on the Order Paper. Under the terms of
the Constitution, once an impeachment motion is included in the Order
Paper, the President cannot prorogue or dissolve Parliament. Moreover,
an impeachment process does not lapse even if Parliament is somehow
prorogued. In the meantime, Mohamed went on a trip to India.
Drive
The President's group then engaged in a drive to win over some of the
signatories.
Some of them somewhat preposterously claimed they did not know about
the contents when they signed on the dotted line.
By this time, without even knowing who has signed the impeachment
document, Premadasa loyalists managed to get 116 signatures for a letter
rejecting the impeachment attempt.
It was delivered to the Speaker with a letter from the President
which quoted the Attorney General as saying that in the above scenario
the motion was no longer valid.
Mohamed did not subscribe to this view and rejected the claims of the
Attorney General. This incident too, emboldened the impeachment camp who
thought that Mohamed would be fair in deciding on the future of the
impeachment process.
Until October 7, the motion did not appear in the Order Paper. There
were only two choices he had to make on October 7 - either include it in
the Order Paper or just let it lapse without including it in the Order
Paper. If an impeachment motion is included in the Order Paper, it has
to be passed with a two-thirds majority. If that too succeeds, the next
step is to go to the Supreme Court for its determination. However, the
Court could rule the President innocent.
If the SC finds the President guilty of charges, that decision is
conveyed to the Speaker. The Parliament then has to sit once more to
decide on the actual expulsion of the President through a two-thirds
majority. If that majority is not found, the process ends there.
Controversial decision
On October 7, everyone in the impeachment camp was certain that the
process would go through. But their hopes were dashed when the
Government-owned radio and TV stations made an announcement saying, 'the
Speaker had declared the Impeachment Motion handed over to him against
the President has been set aside and that he had taken the necessary
steps to inform the President of his decision'.
This was a bolt from the blue to the impeachment camp but the
Premadasa loyalists were jubilant.
That controversial decision ended one of the most nail-bitingly
interesting chapters of local political history. Soon afterwards,
stories began swirling in political and social circles about various
machinations behind this decision. Disappointed impeachment movers then
moved a No Confidence Motion against Mohamed but he prevailed in his
post until June 24, 1994.
It would not be incorrect to say that the impeachment saga haunted
Mohamed for the rest of his life as he never quite managed to shake
these allegations off. In fact, whenever the impeachment saga is
mentioned, most people think of Mohamed first, even before Premadasa
himself.
Although most people expected Mohamed to fade away from the political
scene after the harrowing impeachment saga, Mohamed was made of sterner
stuff. Regardless of the impeachment saga, Mohamed remained immensely
popular in his core predominantly Sinhalese constituency.
He actually had more Sinhalese and Tamil friends and followers than
any other contemporary Muslim politician.
He even managed to beat Vivienne Goonewardane, a giant figure in
local politics, at one election at a time when the Muslim population in
the area was only about three percent.
High poverty
Mohamed went on to become Minister of Western Region Development
(2001-2004 UN Government) and Minister of Parliamentary Affairs
(2007-2010). Many UNP politicians criticised his decision to join the
Mahinda Rajapaksa camp and accept a ministerial portfolio, which was
another one of his controversial decisions.
Mohamed retired from active politics in 2011, but he was still a live
wire in the local political scene. He remained physically and mentally
active until his last days and was seen at an Islamic Centre engaging in
an animated discussion near his home just a few days before his death.
He visited the homes of his constituents regardless of their faith
and community at times of joy and sorrow. He was a bridge that linked
all communities together from his young days, having been educated at
Wesley College, which had students from all communities.
Hailing from an area which is known for its high poverty levels,
Mohamed was keen to uplift the residents' living standards.
Mohamed was a well-known figure in the Muslim world, having been the
local representative of Rabithah, a world Muslim organisation right
until his death. A key figure of the All Ceylon Muslim League, he was
also a vociferous defender of the rights of the Palestinian people.
His family is also known for their involvement in translating the
Koran into Tamil. Former Minister Imitiasz Bakeer Markar, whose late
father Al Haj Abdul Bakeer Markar was a political contemporary of M.H.
Mohamed, said the former Speaker was the best example he knew of a
politician who was unreservedly committed to reconciliation.
"He was at the centre of controversy on a number of occasions, but
that does not in any way diminish the role he played to bring the
communities together.
He was friendly with everyone regardless of religion or community. He
may have been the Third Citizen of the country once, but he did not let
it go to his head." |