Top Ministers at risk as Cabinet re-shuffle looms
Sri Lanka’s political domain, which was a hive of activity these past
12 months, experienced a dull period last week with the year-end
holidays. Many politicians, including Prime Minister Ranil
Wickremesinghe, who had an eventful year, left the country last week for
the December holidays. The Cabinet meeting, which was scheduled to take
place on Wednesday, was postponed till January 6 due to the
non-availability of ministers.
However, there were certain important developments keeping the
political sphere alive over the past seven days. One key incident among
them was an important decision made by the Judicial Services Commission
with regard to the transfers of two well-known judges. Although the
decision did not have any link to politics, it was widely discussed
among political circles during the Christmas festivities and
politicians’ year-end parties.
Two days before the end of the year, the Judicial Services
Commission, headed by Chief Justice K. Sripavan, decided to delay the
transfers of Colombo Additional Magistrate Nishantha Pieris and Colombo
Chief Magistrate Gihan Pilapitiya both of whom are hearing several high
profile cases linked to corruption and violence during the previous
regime.
Ripples
Among them is the magisterial inquiry into the mysterious murder of
star rugby player Wasim Thajudeen, which has already sent ripples across
political circles.
Colombo Additional Magistrate Pieris, who had been hearing this case,
was expected to assume duties as the District Judge of Matara effective
from January 1. Many were under the impression that the Additional
Magistrate’s transfer would lead to an unwanted delay in the verdict of
the magisterial inquiry, which has now almost reached conclusion.
Similarly, Colombo Chief Magistrate Gihan Pilapitiya too was hearing
some important cases involving several top brass of the previous
government.
It was in the grapevine among the legal fraternity that a judge,
known as a close friend of former Chief Justice Sarath N Silva, was
expected to take over as the Colombo Additional Magistrate, replacing
Magistrate Pieris. Former Chief Justice Silva openly supported former
President Mahinda Rajapaksa and his supporting political faction at the
Parliamentary election in August. Thus, there was speculation that the
new magisterial appointment could have a negative impact on the outcome
of the Thajudeen inquiry.
Against this backdrop, many sections of the legal fraternity,
including the Sri Lanka Bar Council, a decision-making body of the Bar
Association, raised serious concerns over the matter. At one point, the
Council discussed the possibility of resorting to organisational action
against the transfers of the two judges.
However, a collective action was not pursued as conflicting views
were expressed by some lawyers saying such an action could be construed
as interference with the affairs of the judiciary.
However, in their personal capacity, some senior lawyers requested
President Maithripala Sirisena to take action to delay the transfers of
the two judges. According to the 19th Amendment to the Constitution
passed in Parliament several months ago, the Judicial Services
Commission is now autonomous and the President was not in a position to
take direct action on transfers of judges.
The President was only in a position to make a request from the Chief
Justice, as Chairman of the Commission, to ‘review’ the transfers of the
judges.
However, remarks made by several leading lawyers over the matter and
some news reports on the transfers of judges and their possible negative
impact on cases caught the attention of the JSC. As a result, the JSC
decided to ‘review’ the transfers of Pieris and Pilapitiya, considering
the gravity of the matter.
Following the review, the JSC decided to cancel the transfers of the
two judges and allow them to serve in their current positions until
December 31, 2016.
At the same time, there was an important change on the JSC front too.
Justice Ministry sources said former Colombo Additional District Judge
Pradeep Jayathilake was to be appointed as the new Secretary of the JSC.
With this development, current Secretary of the Commission, Amila
Rathnayake will be transferred out, they further added.
Scientific evidence
The JSC’s decision to retain the Colombo Additional Magistrate came
as a relief to the over-worked CID team handling investigations into the
Thajudeen assassination. It was widely reported that former President
Mahinda Rajapaksa’s chauffer ‘Captain Tissa’ and several others had been
identified by the CID as possible suspects in the case. The CID has
already taken measures to obtain travel bans on six people including
‘Captain Tissa’.
The Colombo Additional Magistrate, on December 10, allowed the CID to
proceed with the investigations. However, the CID has not taken measures
so far to arrest possible suspects in the case.
Commenting on the matter, a senior officer at Police Headquarters
told the Sunday Observer the investigations teams were in the process of
gathering scientific evidence.
“It is important to understand the nature of the investigation. From
what has been revealed so far, one has every reason to believe that this
murder was carried out following orders from those who wielded political
power. Therefore, it is very important to identify those who issued
orders to kill the rugby player,” the senior officer explained.
“If the CID arrests possible suspects at this point, they will not be
able to identify the people who gave orders to kill. Likewise, if
suspects don’t disclose the names of those who gave the orders, the
investigations will stop at that point,” he said. “This is where,” he
added, “scientific evidence comes into play. The investigators should
gather scientific evidence to find out those who are behind the murder.
It is only then that the CID should make arrests. Otherwise the real
culprits behind the killing will be able to use the contracted killers
as scapegoats.”
Cross-overs
The investigation into the death of Wasim Thajudeen is not the only
thing troubling former President Rajapaksa’s camp at the moment. Four
MPs, who were vociferous supporters of the former President at the last
Parliamentary election, are now preparing to switch sides, accepting
ministerial and deputy ministerial portfolios from President Sirisena.
The move, informed political sources said, would be a heavy blow to
the UPFA dissident faction currently functioning as a parliamentary
opposition while remaining as members of a partner party in the ruling
alliance.
Ravi and Wijeyadasa out?
Meanwhile, the President and the Prime Minister are looking at the
possibility of transferring some ministers out of their current
ministries. Authoritative government sources said at least two ministers
would receive ‘transfers’ at the next Cabinet re-shuffle.
It is not too hard to guess who are likely to receive portfolio
transfers in the next Cabinet re-shuffle. In the recent past, several
ministers came under criticism from various quarters over numerous
charges. The controversy surrounding Avant Garde private security firm
plunged some ministers of the government into hot water in the most
unexpected ways.
Former Law and Order Minister Tilak Marapana had to resign from his
ministerial portfolio as the opposition kept firing their guns at him
over his statement in Parliament about the Avant Garde controversy.
Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe, also, came under fire from
political allies of the ‘January 08 revolution’ over his alleged links
with the owner of the controversial security firm. Former Army Commander
Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka, an ally of President Sirisena at the
Presidential election, went public with some pictures to claim substance
to his charges.
Many speculate that Minister Rajapakshe will have to bid adieu to his
ministry in early January. Even some of his Cabinet colleagues openly
stated that Rajapakshe too should resign from his ministerial portfolio
due to his alleged links with the owners of the controversial private
security firm. Therefore, political circles expect that Rajapakshe will
be given a new, probably less-influential, ministry at the next
re-shuffle.
On the other hand, some ministers faced problems with top-rung
leaders of the government, as they were not ready to accept certain
decisions made by the leadership. One good example was Finance Minister
Ravi Karunanayake who ran into a problem with UNP General Secretary
Kabir Hashim over some appointments made by the latter.
Hashim made the appointments under the instructions of the Prime
Minister but those who were appointed by Karunanayake did not vacate
their positions citing “technical reasons”. Even Prime Minister Ranil
Wickremesinghe, at one point, intervened to resolve this matter but
Karunanayake’s appointees remained stubborn.
Another issue faced by Karunanayake was his lengthy budget speech
last November, which came under criticism from various quarters of
society, including those who supported the UNP at the last Parliamentary
election.
A considerable number of budget proposals got amended by the
President and the Prime Minister as a result of heavy criticism directed
at the government over Karunanayake’s proposals. That has now led to an
expectation that Karunanayake will be entrusted with another ministry at
a Cabinet re-shuffle.
Ravi’s Cabinet paper
Giving another indication in this regard is a Cabinet Paper forwarded
by Karunanayake seeking Cabinet approval to compensate an individual
with a payment of Rs 300 million from government coffers. This was put
on hold by President Sirisena during the Cabinet meeting on December 23.
Karunanayake’s Cabinet paper sought approval to pay a staggering Rs
300 million to professional business consultant Nihal Sri Ameresekere
seeking an amicable settlement over the long-drawn Hotel Developers
Lanka Ltd. case, popularly referred to as the Colombo Hilton case.
The proposal earned the ire of State Enterprise Development Minister
Kabir Hashim overlooking the subject. Hashim reportedly told the Cabinet
meeting that he was completely “kept in the dark” about the Cabinet
paper.
The controversial Cabinet paper sought the approval of ministers:
“i. To proceed with a settlement noted above as confirmed by Mr.
Ameresekere, having paid a total of Rs 300 million plus the interest up
to date of the Cabinet decision of the overdraft facility granted (Rs
225 million) to Mr. Ameresekere, on the basis that it will be the full
and final settlement while also undertaking that Mr. Ameresekere would
not seek any further redress in any Court or forum in this regard.
ii. To direct the Director General National Budget Department to
provide necessary allocations for the above (i) payments.”
As there was heavy resistance from the UNP General Secretary and
other senior ministers present at the Cabinet meeting, President
Sirisena ordered that the paper to be put on hold. Some of
Karunanayake’s Cabinet colleagues believe that the Cabinet paper can
boomerang on the Finance Minister when it comes to the re-shuffle.
Potential successors
Speculation is now rife among Cabinet ministers and MPs about
potential successors of the ministers who will be transferred from their
portfolios in early January. The front-runner for the Finance Ministry,
according to informed political sources, was UNP General Secretary Kabir
Hashim, a trusted lieutenant of Prime Minister Wickremesinghe. It was
speculated that former Law and Order Minister Tilak Marapana, who
resigned over the Avant Garde controversy, would also be given an
influential ministry.
At least one UPFA MP, who is expected to cross the well of the House,
will be given a Cabinet portfolio. Two of them are likely to receive
deputy ministerial portfolios.
The Sunday Observer learns that MP Manusha Nanayakkara’s name has
been proposed as the Local Government Deputy Minister. His Minister will
be Faizer Mustapha, an ally and a legal advisor of President Sirisena.
A-G battle
In addition to changes in the political sphere, another important
change likely to happen in the judicial sector during the second week of
January, also drew the attention of many sections last week. That is the
appointment of a new Attorney General, the chief legal officer of the
State.
Attorney General Yuwanjana Wanasundara, appointed during the tenure
of former President Rajapaksa, had fluctuating fortunes during his term
in office. Some members of the ruling coalition have claimed that there
had been a coup attempt in the wee hours of January 9 last year and the
Attorney General, who was present at the Temple Trees on January 9, had
not supported the plan. However, the Attorney General has not made any
public statement so far with regard to the matter.
To many who voted for ‘good governance’, Yuwanjana Wanasundara was a
hero at that point. It did not take too long for him to turn into a
villain in the eyes of some hot-blooded members of the government. A
popular criticism directed at him was that his department was too slow
and lethargic when taking action against top-brass members of the former
government. Some even went on to speculate that he had a soft-corner for
former Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa as both of them studied at
the same school, Ananda College, Colombo. However, Rajapakshe was much
senior to Wanasundara in college.
The Attorney General, in his defence, repeatedly said that he had
nothing to do with politicians and he never acted according to the whims
and fancies of political parties. The Attorney General, who has vast
experience in the field of prosecution, said his recommendations were
solely based on evidence and he would never get carried away with
developments in the political domain.
Thirty-two files
During a recent group meeting of the UNP held at Temple Trees, the
conduct of the AG’s Department came under heavy criticism from some MPs.
Some even suggested the summoning of the Attorney General before the
Judicial Oversight Committee of Parliament to question him about some 32
case files pending in the Department.
In response, the AG’s Department categorically denied claims about
the so called ’32 files’. However, it admitted that there were issues
relating to certain investigations. “For instance, some investigations
carried out by the FCID were incomplete. So we had to send the files
back to the FCID. On the other hand, we did not have enough officials to
deal with a large number of investigations. As a result, the department
had to take measures to recruit new State Counsel to expedite actions.
No point blaming the AG for all this,” a senior official from the
Department told the Sunday Observer, commenting on the matte.
This situation has however now resulted in the retirement of the AG.
The State lawyer has not even sought a service extension. Sources from
the Department said the AG would retire on January 09, a day after the
government celebration of its election victory.
Suhada Gamlath Vs Dayantha
There is an issue about Wanasundara’s successor. The next in line to
the position is Solicitor General Suhada Gamlath. He has strong links
with Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe.
Gamlath was the official who handled the inquiry into the Avant Garde
controversy on behalf of the Department. That investigation and the
controversy surrounding it did not earn a good name for the official.
His name was even mentioned by Minister Rajitha Senaratne during a
Cabinet meeting a few weeks back. According to the standard procedure
when it comes to the appointment of the new AG, the Justice Minister has
to recommend the name of a suitable candidate to the President. The
President, according to powers vested in him by the constitution, will
officially make the appointment. In this case, one has every reason to
believe that Rajapakshe will not hold back from nominating Gamlath as a
potential candidate to the AG’s position. However, this will take an
interesting turn if Rajapakshe loses his ministry due to a sudden
Cabinet reshuffle before January 09.
Dayantha Jayasuriya is senior official in the Department who is
considered as another candidate for the position. However, Department
sources said Gamlath is one step ahead of Jayasuriya in terms of
seniority.
Warnasinghe loses out
The government faced a fresh issue soon after Christmas, when Western
Province Chief Minister Isura Devapriya took over JHU stalwart Nishantha
Sri Warnasinghe’s ministries in the Council.
It all began when the JHU stalwart representing the UPFA in the
council failed get the expenditure head of his ministry passed in the
Council. Although the UPFA had the majority in the council some MPs were
not present when the vote was taken. Among the absentees was Isura
Devapriya, Chief Minister of the Province.
Warnasinghe thought there was a conspiracy behind Devapriya’s action.
Instead of meeting the Chief Minister and sorting out the issue
amicably, the Councilor went before the press and openly criticized
Devapriya.
He accused the Chief Minister of deliberately defeating the
expenditure head of his ministry. Without stopping at that, he
challenged the Chief Minister to take over his ministry on the grounds
that he could not secure a majority support for its expenditure head.
Warnasinghe’s ‘calculation’ was that Devapriya, an ally of President
Sirisena, would not take drastic action as the JHU was a coalition
partner of the government.
On the other hand, the JHU General Secretary and UNP Parliamentarian
Patali Champika Ranawaka has a close connection with the President and
this connection, Warnasinghe thought, will prevent the Chief Minister
from taking further action.
The politician’s judgment however was flawed. Barely 24 hours after
the challenge, Devapriya took over Warnasinghe’s ministry and took oaths
before the Western Province Governance. Devapriya followed the ‘due
process’ when making the move and did not leave any space for legal
loopholes.
The Chief Minister, speaking to reporters, said the move was not a
response to Warnasinghe’s challenge. However, he said the Councilor had
no right to cling to his ministry as he lost its expenditure head. “Had
he spoken to me about the matter, we could have reached an amicable
settlement. But, without speaking to the Chief Minister, he went before
media and challenged me. That did not take him anywhere. As a result, he
lost his ministry,” Devapriya said.
Warnasinghe, in response said, he was kept in the dark about the
take-over and it was totally unethical. He added that the Provincial
Government informed him of the development, four hours after Devapriya
took oaths as the Minister. He also dubbed Devapriya as a person who was
pushing former President Rajapaksa’s political agenda.
A day after the move, Devapriya managed to get the expenditure head
passed in the council with an overwhelming majority. When the vote was
taken Warnasinghe and members representing the JVP were absent.
However, the current state of affairs has compelled Warnasinghe to
act as an independent member of the council, without supporting any
party.
At the same time, the JHU stalwart is exploring the possibility of
taking legal action against the Governor and the Chief Minister over
what he terms as an “illegal takeover”.
He says the council has taken a fresh vote on the same expenditure
head defeated just a few days ago. “There has not been any amendment to
my expenditure head. On the other hand, instead of taking a special vote
on the expenditure head which was defeated earlier, they took measures
to go for a vote on the overall budget of the council. So, I have enough
grounds to resort to legal action,” the Provincial Council member
explained. |