De - merger dilemmas, devolution dialectics
by Dayan Jayatilleka
The many retrospectives on the 5th anniversary of 9/11 had one thing
in common: Clinton's former Counter-terrorism advisor Richard Clarke
came out best in all the reconstructions. Interviewed on Australia's
ABC, Dick Clarke summed up his philosophy on counterterrorism, which
should be a touchstone for any Sri Lankan politician or military man,
policy maker or police official in assessing any possible move on either
the LTTE or the Tamil issue.
Clarke says that terrorist insurgencies should be seen as consisting
of three rings or concentric circles.
1. The active terrorist fighters and cadres. In the case of the
jihadis, he estimates them at around 10,000 - which to my mind is an
approximate figure for the LTTE too.
2. The sympathisers, supporters and financiers.
3. The potential constituency or population base. In the case of the
jihadi terrorists, this is the enormous Islamic and Arab populace.
Clarke says that the first or inner circle, that of terrorist cadres,
must be decisively destroyed through killing or capture, but the policy
towards the other two circles must be drastically different, indeed the
opposite.
Harsh measures would widen the second and third circles, while the
policy should be to progressively shrink them.
Richard Clarke's criticism of the Iraq invasion is that instead of
destroying the first circle by focussing exclusively on Afghanistan and
Bin Laden, the Bush administration widened the target to include Iraq,
and thereby broadened the second and third circles, by acting in such a
manner as to confirm everything that alQaeda said in its propaganda
against the West.
Applying Clarke's circles
In the matter of the merger/de-merger, or any other, Sri Lankan
policy /decision makers must ask themselves whether the first circle is
being targeted and destroyed, and whether the second and thirds circles
are being shrunk or expanded.
My fear is that by abrupt de-merger without a comprehensive
settlement of the ethnic problem involving a more generous sharing of
powers, the second and third circles will be expanded, not contracted.
The case for de-merger may be sound, but the consequences must be
calculated. Let me illustrate my point: it is perfectly justifiable,
desirable and necessary that we advance towards Elephant pass and
recapture it, but it would be stupid to repeat Operation Agni Keela and
take heavy casualties in ambushes which make us retreat. The issue of
de-merger is rather similar.
The objective may be desirable but the road is heavily mined and we
haven't calculated the consequences of our proposed actions.
There are three circles of landmines and Claymores:
i) All Tamil parties including those allied with the Sri Lankan state
and the present government, stand opposed. Thus it is not a question of
taking on the Tigers whose only interest in the issue of de-merger is as
a propaganda tool, but of antagonising Tamil nationalism as a whole,
barring perhaps Karuna.
Simply put, there isn't a single Tamil party or politician, even the
most anti-Prabhakaran, who will step forward and publicly endorse a
de-merger, and that includes Karuna! We risk alienating all or almost
all Tamil opinion, at a time we should be winning it over and isolating
the LTTE.
ii) The government of India (GOI) feels that the Indo-Lanka. Accord,
the only achievement on behalf of Sri Lanka's Tamils it can display to
Tamil Nadu, is being unilaterally rolled-back. We are strategically
vulnerable to and dependent upon our giant neighbour.
iii) The Co-chairs who have spoken out against unilateral de-merger.
These include the world's sole superpower, the USA.
Thus the rush to de-merge does not strike me as a particularly
intelligent move, while the fight with the LTTE is ongoing and has yet
to reach its most decisive climactic stages.
Why concern ourselves with what the USA and India have to say, one
may well ask. My answer is that without the FBI crackdown and India's
tip-off, SA 18 antiaircraft missiles would have reached the Tigers, or,
more accurately, reached our aircraft and helicopters!
New Historical Context
The challenge is dualistic: a) To decide upon a set of powers and
units which are sufficient to win over Clarke's 'third circle' (the
Tamil people, Tamil Nadu, India, and the West), neutralise the 'second
circle' (the Tamil Diaspora) and isolate the first, inner circle,
permitting it to be outflanked and militarily crushed.
b) To do so in a manner that the resultant autonomous unit does not
become a shell or springboard for secession at a future date.
This is no fanciful imagining. Later this year the US and the West
will hold a referendum in the autonomous province of Kosovo which could
pave the way for independence, a prospect that has triggered alarm
signals as far a-field as in the hardnosed realist decision-making
circles of China! ('China's Yugoslav nightmare', Christopher Marsh and
Nicholas Gvosdev. The National Interest, summer 2006.
Incidentally the journal has, as co-chairs, Henry Kissinger and James
Schlesinger). In response to the prospective Western move, Serbia is
about to ratify a new constitution which reiterates that Kosovo is an
inalienable part of Serbia.
The Kosovo question amply demonstrates the necessity of autonomy and
the dangers of excess in either direction.
The unravelling of Yugoslavia under Milosevic began when in response
to Serb chauvinist pressure he rolled back the autonomous status of
Kosovo, while today's Western plan to facilitate Kosovo's independence
is based upon its autonomous existence of the past several years.
This latter could well have been the case in Sri Lanka too, had the
ISGA (beloved by the UNP and its peace-freak chorus) or the PTOMS (which
Chandrika greedily agreed to 1 1/2 having already helped Prabhakaran in
his offensive against Karuna on Good Friday 2003) been allowed to
materialise.
Meanwhile in Bosnia, the Serb majority entity is renewing its
striving to secede and join Serbia in a greater Serbia. In Iraq, the
West is considering a nominally federal state with a tripartite division
<"1/2 Shia, Sunni, Kurd.
The Ethnic & the Existential
Federalism has two variants: one in which the constituent units are
demarcated on a basis other than ethnicity or language (e.g. USA,
Australia), and another in which the units are virtually mono-ethnic or
have an ethnic/linguistic majority (ex-Yugoslavia, ex-USSR, Switzerland,
Canada).
The latter is designated 'ethno-federalism'. Any discussion of
federalism for Sri Lanka has to take on board the new historical
realities in which we live: the crack-up of ethno-federalism in
Yugoslavia and the USSR precisely along the lines of the pre-existing
units, the necessity of a strong state to mitigate the harshness of
neo-liberal globalisation, the tendency for the undermining of
sovereignty through the doctrines of "humanitarian intervention" and
"failed states" (denounced in the final declaration of the NAM Havana
summit).
Any deep-going reform of Sri Lanka's polity must also take into
account the specific conditions of the place: a small, ethnically
bi-polar or tri-polar island (unlike the huge, ethnically multi-polar
India), in which the ethnic majority has no cross border ethnic kin but
the larger of the two minorities does.
This island's North-east, and more especially its North can easily
succumb to the cultural and economic gravitational pull of Tamil Nadu
and through it, India, thus becoming annexed, de facto, to the larger
landmass. The gravitational pull of the psycho-cultural force fields of
the Tamil language and the Hindu religion must not be overlooked.
The threat or temptation of pan-Tamilianism is geopolitically or
geo-strategically axiomatic and existential. It can take two forms, not
just the one: a Greater Tamil Eelam or a Greater Tamil Nadu. The latter
form can be the "Hanuman's bridge" to annexation with the vast Hindu
hinterland.
The overemphasis on the language and religion of the majority and the
embrace of the unitary state, have to my mind, the function of widening
the narrow strip of water that separates Tamil Nadu from this island;
they act as an understandable, even inevitable cultural-existential
differentia specifica 1 1/2 but having been overdone for overlong, now
threaten the integrity of the island state and need to be moderated,
modulated, modernised and modified.
Twentieth century experience
No devolved body in the island's North-East or North must be able to
function as a protectorate of New Delhi or Chennai, balancing between
Sri Lanka and India, using the latter to pressurise the former. This is
the way in which the North East Provincial Council of Vardharajaperumal
functioned. (See my monograph The Indian Intervention in Sri Lanka
1987-1990: The North-East Provincial Council and Devolution of Power,
ICES & United States Institute of Peace, 1999).
When it called itself the "North-east provincial government",
Premadasa (and Ranjan Wijeratne) reminded it brusquely that while there
were several provincial councils or administrations, there was only one
government in Sri Lanka!
There must be no room for such games under any contemplated scheme of
devolution. Before the fighting erupted with the Tigers on Oct 10th
1987, the IPKF in Trincomalee tilted against the Sinhalese and even shot
a Buddhist monk, while throughout its stay it did not go all out against
the Tigers and therefore could not finish the job. It would not have,
even if it had been allowed to remain.
The Sri Lankan armed forces were confined to barracks, sometimes
coercively. Meanwhile the LTTE was able to penetrate the highest Indian
circles, including the RAW, a penetration that permitted the murder in
Tamil Nadu, of Rajiv Gandhi. Today, India does not wish Sri Lanka to
fight a quasi-conventional threat from a quasi-conventional enemy, by
conventional means! Much of this is perhaps traceable to cultural
affinity.
De-facto annexation was already taking place not so much owing to the
Indo-Lanka Accord but rather the prolongation of the IPKF presence, and
it is this that President Premadasa reacted against, thereby making
nonsense of fatalistic geopolitical determinism and successfully
restoring the sovereignty of Sri Lanka.
I recall being at a peace and conflict resolution seminar in Uppsala
when the news broke that he had requested the IPKF to leave, and of all
the delegates present at the breakfast buffet, it was only Dr Akmal
Hussein (a distinguished Pakistani Marxist scholar) and I who broke into
spontaneous applause.
De-merger dilemmas
Partisans of de-merger do not understand that a mono-ethnic North is
more, or as likely, not less so, to succumb to a secessionist temptation
or its variant, permanent merger ( Enosis as General George Grivas'
Greek Cypriots put it) with Tamil Nadu. A merged North-east is
multiethnic, with the Sinhala presence providing a demographic foothold
and 'handle' for the central government.
Yet a permanent merger also means that the Sinhalese and Muslims
become besieged minorities in that larger province, a situation which
they experienced under the Indo-Lanka accord, the IPKF and the NE
Provincial council, and which I witnessed at first hand. It was -
together with the fact that the council felt closer to India than Sri
Lanka - reason for my resignation as a provincial minister in less than
six months.
Sri Lanka needs a reformed political structure which is sufficiently
liberal and de-centralised as to comfortably accommodate the collective
identities of the various ethnic, linguistic and religious communities
on this pluralistic island, while being sufficiently centralised to
combat or pre-empt secessionist, irredentist or centrifugal drives,
manifest or latent.
The answer then is neither the permanent perpetuation of the shotgun
wedding of the two existing provinces, nor resort to the guillotine of
de-merger.
A creative compromise must be found by the SLFP-UNP talks and the
all-parties conference, which could do no better than be informed by
Montesquieu's emphasis in The Spirit of the Laws 1 1/2 inspired by
Aristotle's path-breaking classification of constitutions, one might add
- on the importance of recognising the distinctive demographic
characteristics and ethos of each land. |