Navigating the New Year, geo-politically
The Aluth Avurudu or Sitthirai
Puttthandu, was celebrated by Sri Lankans last week, just as much this
same New Year festival - the transition to the new Year of Saka 1938 -
is being observed and celebrated throughout the South Asian
Sub-Continent during these few weeks, according to regional cultural
calendars.
Since the earliest human civilisation in the South Asian
Sub-Continent, this time of the year is the time of transition of
monsoons, the movement of the sun at the start of the hot season and,
the harvest of staple food grains. The symbolism of solar astrology and
agricultural bounty marks the festivities taking place throughout this
region. Even as we recover from festivities and get back into the rat
race this week, let's think about the future ahead, as we tend to do
during these times of transition.
For Buddhist pilgrims and also for holiday travellers, an additional
moment for celebration will be the inaugural direct flight on April 12th
from Kathmandu, Nepal, to Colombo by a Nepal-based private airline. The
airline, a new Nepali joint venture with a Chinese company, offers the
cheapest round trip from Colombo to Kathmandu. Colombo, along with
Mumbai, India, is among the first routes to be operated by this airline.
Destinations in China come next.
That a Chinese air industry investor in Nepal can prioritise Sri
Lankan and Indian destinations before Chinese ones is testimony to the
market-rationalism of Chinese overseas capital investment. As with
capital investments originating from numerous other capital-rich
countries, foreign investment are not necessarily narrowly subservient
to nationalism, as some Sri Lankan nationalists tend to insist on.
Foreign investment can and do have over-arching 'national' interests:
investments in the most profitable destinations, irrespective of the
ideological or geo-political significance of those destinations, do
finally bring profit (and value chain and market advantages) back home,
to the investing nation. (Unless, those capitalists choose to divert
such overseas profits to off-shore accounts!)
Some die-hard communal nationalists ranted against the current
governing coalition as being 'Western-dependent' and anti-Chinese. But,
last week, even as Sri Lankans celebrated Avurudu, some also celebrated
the return, earlier, of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and
delegation from a successful official visit to Beijing.
The way this government has set about continuing with Sri Lanka's
intimate bilateral relationship with China, clearly demonstrates the
pragmatic style of this government. The quick but smooth 're-set' of
Colombo's international relations implemented without delay by the new
Government in 2015 saw a shift firmly away from the singular dependence
on a single country for everything ranging from geo-political support at
global level to business investments, infra-structure development,
international credit, etc. Instead, the necessary foreign policy
course-correction brought Sri Lanka back to its long practised foreign
policy of comprehensive, interest-based, multi-polar relations.
Our entire post-colonial history of foreign relations has been
punctuated by a notably careful balancing of various bilateral ties that
take into account other counter-interests impinging on such ties. For
example, 'Yankee Dickie' may have been his hostile political nickname by
the Sri Lankan Left, but despite his clear Western and Capitalist
leanings, J. R. Jayewardene, in representing Sri Lanka in the post-World
War 2 international conference in San Francisco, did not hesitate to
support fellow-Asian country Japan in its moment of defeat by the
Western powers.
Similarly, successive SLFP-led and UNP-led governments have
consistently been 'non-aligned' despite pressures from major Western
development donors. Sri Lanka, along with India, was among the earliest
countries to recognise Communist China over and above Western-backed
Taiwan (although Taiwan has its own right to exist as an island nation).
Likewise, successive governments have seen the importance of maintaining
our greater intimacy with the rest of the South Asian Sub-Continent
which is, after all, our civilisational home region.
As we move into the new Saka year, we are still in a tortuous
transition from the brink of national collapse due to the unintelligent,
superstition-ridden, xeno-phobic, plundering and blundering mafia-type
regime from which the current National Unity coalition took over last
year. The damage to the national community due to the multiple ethnic
enmities aroused by the previous regime through a brutal, militaristic
end to the war and subsequently by further inflaming ultra-nationalist
passions is on a scale that requires intricate inter-ethnic negotiations
and complex constitutional reform to repair. Equally enormous is the
damage to the national exchequer as recently exposed by the latest
revelation that up to US $ 18 billion may have been spirited away from
our national accounts during the previous regime.
A government that struggles with these multiple challenges needs all
the help it can get from whatever sources - but without undermining the
current, newly-won geo-political equilibrium. Thus, while Western help
has been obtained by reasoned dealings with the Western powers and the
UN system for a recovery on the international political plane, if
Western capital investment is scarce due to the difficulties faced by
Western capital, then Colombo did not hesitate to look East.
Again, Japan, as an older capitalist power, does not have too many
new investors eagerly looking for markets. India, not being as
capitalistically advanced as some East Asian economies and pre-occupied
with internal investment needs, also does not easily send out capital -
unless the market is big enough. The Indian government, nevertheless,
has readily extended balance of payment support on an urgent basis.
But China, the newly rising global economic giant, has more than
enough capital and enough eager new investors, big and small. Under the
current government, however, the search for such investments and
economic ties is not decided by kick-backs and financial advantages to a
ruling family or political cabal. Rather, it is the pragmatics of
financial stability, and urgent development needs.
Meanwhile, despite some ritualistic exhortations by ultra-nationalist
ideologues, the government must proceed with its restoration of good
relations with all the other friends we have had since we won nationhood
- from India to Iran and West Asia, to Africa, Europe and the Americas.
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